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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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Spreading Prosperity 363<br />

others. ... [N]o one has a reason <strong>to</strong> acquiesce in an enduring loss for<br />

himself in order <strong>to</strong> bring about a greater net balance of satisfaction. . . .<br />

[A] rational man would not accept a basic structure merely because it<br />

maximized the algebraic sum of advantages irrespective of its permanent<br />

effects on his own basic rights <strong>and</strong> interests. Thus it seems that the principle<br />

of utility is incompatible with the conception of social cooperation<br />

among equals for mutual advantage. ... These principles rule out justifying<br />

institutions on the grounds that the hardships of some are offset<br />

by a greater good in the aggregate. 8<br />

This is a stunning concept, challenging utilitarianism <strong>and</strong> therefore the<br />

capitalism–utilitarianism union at its heart. Rawls is saying (<strong>and</strong> these are<br />

my words, not his) that if humankind could start again, we would never<br />

adopt the system we have in place now. We would not position utility ahead<br />

of justice <strong>and</strong> would not accept selective sacrifice, ends justifying means, <strong>and</strong><br />

summing group advantages at the expense of individual rights. Bentham’s<br />

system simply does not accord with what rational people would choose<br />

among their first principles of association.<br />

There is no suggestion here that businesses should not be maximizing<br />

profits, operating efficiently, <strong>and</strong> competing. The point is much simpler:<br />

Capitalism should not place these aims ahead of justice in its institutions<br />

<strong>and</strong> transactions. Justice must be a prior condition, <strong>and</strong> then the maximizing<br />

instinct can more effectively lead <strong>to</strong> shared prosperity.<br />

Rawls’ book goes on for more than 500 pages laying out his theory of<br />

“justice as fairness,” articulating his argument for “the priority of justice over<br />

efficiency <strong>and</strong> the priority of liberty over social <strong>and</strong> economic advantages.” 9<br />

He makes it clear that, while his original position <strong>and</strong> veil of ignorance are<br />

hypothetical conditions, he does seek “<strong>to</strong> derive a conception of a just basic<br />

structure, . . . that can serve as a st<strong>and</strong>ard for appraising institutions <strong>and</strong> for<br />

guiding the overall direction of social change.” 10 “From the st<strong>and</strong>point of<br />

the theory of justice, the most important natural duty is . . . <strong>to</strong> support <strong>and</strong><br />

<strong>to</strong> further just institutions. This duty has two parts: First, we are <strong>to</strong> comply<br />

with <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> do our share in just institutions when they exist <strong>and</strong> apply <strong>to</strong> us;<br />

<strong>and</strong> second, we are <strong>to</strong> assist in the establishment of just arrangements when<br />

they do not exist . . .” 11<br />

A Theory of Justice is intended primarily for “well-ordered societies”<br />

where there is a “public conception of justice.” 12 Rawls sought <strong>to</strong> exp<strong>and</strong>

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