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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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228 CAPITALISM’S <strong>ACHILLES</strong> <strong>HEEL</strong><br />

large reductions in poverty head counts in the 1970s but rising counts in the<br />

1980s <strong>and</strong> 1990s. Sub-Saharan Africa simply fell through the floor, quadrupling<br />

the number living on $1 a day across the period of the study.<br />

On the other side of the question, Thomas Pogge, a philosopher we will<br />

meet again in Chapter 12, <strong>and</strong> Sanjay Reddy, an economist colleague at Columbia<br />

University, have teamed up <strong>to</strong> offer a serious challenge <strong>to</strong> the World<br />

Bank’s poverty calculations. Taking the Bank’s 1998 number of 1.2 billion<br />

people living on $1 a day, they attack the methodology used <strong>to</strong> arrive at this<br />

figure on several fronts. First, the purchasing power parity measure is based<br />

on an unpublished general consumption PPP. Second, the Bank plays fast<br />

<strong>and</strong> loose with assumptions about countries not reporting or not recently reporting<br />

survey data. And third, the Bank adjusts the $1.00 a day PPP base<br />

measure set in 1985 <strong>to</strong> $1.08 in 1993, without adequate justification. 25<br />

Pogge <strong>and</strong> Reddy argue that the $1.00/$1.08 international poverty line<br />

is badly measured, wrongly calculated, far <strong>to</strong>o low, <strong>and</strong> unreliable in determining<br />

trends. A better derived <strong>and</strong> barely more adequate line at $2.15 a<br />

day focused on food alone would raise the global poverty head count <strong>to</strong> 2.5<br />

billion. Translating the $2.15 a day back <strong>to</strong> the United States on purchasing<br />

power parity terms would mean that an American family of four would have<br />

less than $70 a week for all expenditures. At such a level, this American family<br />

will be homeless, cold, hungry, weak, <strong>and</strong> ill.<br />

Estimates of global poverty rising or falling are largely dependent on<br />

where lines are set, on what prices of products <strong>and</strong> services are tallied, on<br />

how you divide the world in<strong>to</strong> comparison groups, on the choice of purchasing<br />

power parity conversion formulas, <strong>and</strong> on much more. In my judgment,<br />

the jury deciding which way poverty is moving is still out. Angus<br />

Dea<strong>to</strong>n at Prince<strong>to</strong>n University concluded that, “The plethora of new data<br />

has not resolved the controversy because the new sources are mutually contradic<strong>to</strong>ry.”<br />

26<br />

Third question: Okay, if the trend in poverty is unclear, what about inequality;<br />

is it widening or narrowing? Well, once again, let’s sample the experts<br />

(see box, page 229). You can find support for whatever bias you choose.<br />

Surjit Bhalla, ex-World Banker <strong>and</strong> think-tank denizen, constructed<br />

an analysis of inequality that he refers <strong>to</strong> as a simple accounting system,<br />

utilizing data made available in 1996 by Klaus Deininger <strong>and</strong> Lyn Squire<br />

at the World Bank. His procedure “corrects” for a slight upward bias in

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