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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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72 CAPITALISM’S <strong>ACHILLES</strong> <strong>HEEL</strong><br />

waive cus<strong>to</strong>ms duties <strong>and</strong> sales taxes so he could price his imports one-third<br />

lower than competing vehicles. 37<br />

Tommy the all-<strong>to</strong>o-visible playboy <strong>and</strong> his tinny little Timors were not<br />

particularly popular in Indonesia. Driving the car <strong>and</strong> getting stuck in traffic<br />

risked being set upon by angry youths wielding sticks <strong>and</strong> rods, beating the<br />

thing in<strong>to</strong> a pile of scrap. Thus, sales fell way below expectations. Tommy<br />

leaned on the government <strong>to</strong> buy his inven<strong>to</strong>ry, resulting in a directive <strong>to</strong><br />

that effect issued <strong>to</strong> all departments <strong>and</strong> state institutions. 38<br />

Granted “National Car” status, PT Timor Putra Nasional needed $1.3<br />

billion <strong>to</strong> commence manufacturing. Tommy, lacking a sound loan repayment<br />

record, was turned down by every foreign <strong>and</strong> local bank he approached.<br />

For you or me, this might be somewhat discouraging, but not for<br />

Tommy. He marched in<strong>to</strong> the central bank <strong>and</strong> insisted on a state guarantee<br />

of the requested $1.3 billion. The bank choked, but finally, backed by the<br />

government, ordered 4 state banks <strong>and</strong> 12 private banks <strong>to</strong> provide the financing,<br />

resulting in an offer of $690 million. 39 Work commenced on the<br />

fac<strong>to</strong>ry buildings, <strong>and</strong> production lines were imported, until the project was<br />

finally cancelled in 1998.<br />

The state banking system generally was ripe for picking by the Suhar<strong>to</strong><br />

clan. No one could easily turn down their requests for multimillion-dollar<br />

fundings. As a member of the National Development Planning Agency said<br />

<strong>to</strong> me quietly in his office, “Being the son of a president or minister <strong>and</strong> getting<br />

access <strong>to</strong> capital based on this heritage, that’s feudalism, not economic<br />

democracy.” 40<br />

The World Bank certainly unders<strong>to</strong>od these realities as early as the<br />

1970s, continued lending through the 1980s, <strong>and</strong> even advanced more than<br />

$300 million <strong>to</strong> the Indonesian government in the early 1990s on a promise<br />

that banking procedures would be strengthened. The Indonesian government<br />

leaped at the money, plowed it in<strong>to</strong> the state banks, <strong>and</strong> distributed<br />

much of it <strong>to</strong> the Suhar<strong>to</strong>s all over again. An astute observer Michael Backman<br />

wrote, “Thanks <strong>to</strong> the World Bank, the Soehar<strong>to</strong>s had found a way <strong>to</strong><br />

pillage the funds of the international community <strong>and</strong> not just those of their<br />

countrymen.” 41<br />

In the midst of the country’s economic collapse, a highly respected official,<br />

who later became minister of finance, met with me in Jakarta <strong>and</strong> said,<br />

“In government, corporations, banks, all sec<strong>to</strong>rs, transparency is at the heart<br />

of the current crisis. We don’t deserve this bad treatment on the basis of eco-

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