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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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The Global Divide 231<br />

To begin with, little empirical evidence exists showing that economic<br />

growth takes income out of the h<strong>and</strong>s of the poor. This can, however, happen<br />

in particular situations. Earlier I wrote about rural dwellers in Indonesia<br />

being forced off their l<strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> make way for huge palm oil plantations owned<br />

by Suhar<strong>to</strong> <strong>and</strong> his cronies. Assuming that these plantations are more efficient<br />

than the subsistence farming that they replace, exports go up, growth is<br />

enhanced, <strong>and</strong> the farmers are out of luck. Same thing happens in Brazil<br />

when rain forests are cleared, tropical woods are exported, <strong>and</strong> Amazonian<br />

tribes are displaced. In other words, some poor can be made worse off by activities<br />

that contribute <strong>to</strong> growth. But generally speaking, the economic condition<br />

of growth cannot often be said <strong>to</strong> cause widening poverty.<br />

Again, if the poor are not worse off, are they somewhat better off, with a<br />

little more income available? In more countries than not, the answer <strong>to</strong> this<br />

is yes. Growth creates more wage earners, an economic multiplier effect,<br />

more money circulating among the poor. I have no quarrel with a conclusion<br />

that growth is better for the poor than no growth.<br />

Finally, <strong>and</strong> this is the question that has engaged many development<br />

specialists in recent years, does growth carry the poor along at the same pace<br />

as the rest of their society? Fifty years ago, Simon Kuznets said no. His studies<br />

drew upon a long time series of data available for the United Kingdom,<br />

Germany, <strong>and</strong> the United States <strong>and</strong> led <strong>to</strong> formulation of his famous<br />

Kuznets hypothesis. He found that as these three countries moved from<br />

agrarian <strong>to</strong> industrialized societies, inequality worsened. Manufacturing was<br />

more productive, fac<strong>to</strong>ry wages were higher than farm wages, fortunes were<br />

made more quickly, income disparities widened. Then, as more <strong>and</strong> more<br />

people moved from agrarian <strong>to</strong> industrial <strong>and</strong> service activities, the diffusion<br />

of high wages through the economy tended <strong>to</strong> level out the disparities earlier<br />

created, making those disparities decline as good incomes became more extensively<br />

distributed. Thus, according <strong>to</strong> his theory, industrialization widened<br />

income gaps at first <strong>and</strong> corrected these gaps later. Good theory, but most<br />

cognoscenti now think it’s wrong.<br />

While the Kuznets hypothesis earlier sustained many scholars believing<br />

that global growth created global separation, David Dollar <strong>and</strong> Aart Kraay,<br />

World Bank economists, later argued a different view, that “growth is good<br />

for the poor.” 39 Building on the work of others, they compiled a sample of<br />

almost a thous<strong>and</strong> observations spread across 137 countries covering some<br />

50 years. Their basic conclusion: “Average incomes of the poorest fifth of

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