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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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160 CAPITALISM’S <strong>ACHILLES</strong> <strong>HEEL</strong><br />

Could the West have done anything <strong>to</strong> curtail the deterioration of Russia’s<br />

economy from, say, 1995 or 1996? Yes. Nonremittance of export proceeds<br />

was the most frequently <strong>and</strong> blatantly used technique for stripping<br />

Russia of wealth. A centuries-old instrument is readily available <strong>to</strong> deal with<br />

this problem, <strong>to</strong> assure that export proceeds are brought back: the confirmed,<br />

irrevocable letter of credit. This is an arrangement between two<br />

banks, one representing the buyer <strong>and</strong> the other representing the seller. In<br />

the simplest illustration, the buyer’s bank opens a letter of credit guaranteeing<br />

payment <strong>to</strong> the seller’s bank for the shipment upon arrival. That letter of<br />

credit is confirmed <strong>to</strong> the seller by the seller’s bank, guaranteeing payment <strong>to</strong><br />

the seller. In other words, two banks step in between, <strong>and</strong>, on the strength of<br />

the credit rating <strong>and</strong> reputation of the buyer’s bank, usually in Europe or<br />

North America, the banks assure that payment for the shipment will be remitted<br />

<strong>to</strong> Russia <strong>and</strong> will be deposited <strong>to</strong> the seller’s account.<br />

Who should have insisted on adoption of such st<strong>and</strong>ard commercial<br />

norms by Russian exporters? Certainly the IMF, in its loan negotiations with<br />

the Russian government, had the capacity <strong>to</strong> do so. In its inimically diplomatic<br />

manner, the IMF should have raised the issue in one meeting, asked<br />

for a working plan requiring export letters of credit in a second meeting, insisted<br />

on adoption of L/C procedures in a third meeting, <strong>and</strong> withheld the<br />

next tranche of loans in a fourth meeting.<br />

Russian businesspeople <strong>and</strong> bankers did not invent any new ways of taking<br />

illegal money out of their country. They simply stepped in<strong>to</strong> well-established<br />

techniques <strong>and</strong> channels. At the same time, equally well-established instruments<br />

could have curtailed—not s<strong>to</strong>pped, but sharply curtailed—the long-term damage<br />

being done <strong>to</strong> the Russian economy, damage that may take a generation or<br />

more <strong>to</strong> recoup, damage that postpones, if not imperils, democratic capitalism<br />

in the country well in<strong>to</strong> the twenty-first century.<br />

With Russia I conclude Chapter 3, “<strong>Dirty</strong> <strong>Money</strong> at Work.” For each<br />

tale presented, many others are available <strong>and</strong> many more may emerge in the<br />

future, every one unique <strong>and</strong> at the same time illustrative of a disturbing<br />

global pattern.<br />

I set out in this chapter <strong>to</strong> paint a word picture of criminal, corrupt, <strong>and</strong><br />

commercial dirty money, some of the damaging impact these illicit flows<br />

have on developing <strong>and</strong> transitional economies, <strong>and</strong> the active participation<br />

of western countries in promoting <strong>and</strong> facilitating the fullest possible range

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