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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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Philosophy Becomes Culture 321<br />

War II <strong>and</strong> in the decades since, outst<strong>and</strong>ing work in economics has been<br />

done at universities such as Harvard, MIT, Yale, Prince<strong>to</strong>n, Michigan,<br />

Berkeley, Stanford, Chicago, Columbia, Texas, <strong>and</strong> many other schools, government<br />

departments, organizations, <strong>and</strong>, of course, at the Brookings Institution,<br />

under whose roof I am writing this book.<br />

Third, the “unimaginable complexity” of the utility calculation helped<br />

spawn game theory <strong>and</strong> behavioral economics. These research techniques are<br />

often directed <strong>to</strong> grasping the interplay between inter- <strong>and</strong> intrasubjective<br />

components of utilities, dem<strong>and</strong>s, decisions, <strong>and</strong> consumption patterns.<br />

Fourth, perhaps stretching a bit, the difficulty in individual utility calculations<br />

may have had some small role in shifting attention <strong>to</strong> the national<br />

utility calculation. If the measure of utility for an individual is <strong>to</strong>o problematic,<br />

then the measure of utility for an entire nation offers a welcome refuge.<br />

Some economists have spoken of the usefulness of a single number <strong>to</strong> summarize<br />

advantages for a group or state. Tom Warke noted that “unambiguous<br />

optimization requires a one-dimensional maxim<strong>and</strong>,” that is, a single<br />

number that can sum up an array of data. 29 In fact, such a number has been<br />

adopted—gross domestic product, or, more exactly, growth in GDP. This<br />

has become, for many people, an acceptable norm for gauging economic<br />

progress <strong>and</strong>, for others, even a satisfac<strong>to</strong>ry indica<strong>to</strong>r of social progress. I am<br />

all for growth in GDP but such a “one-dimensional maxim<strong>and</strong>” carries with<br />

it the relegation of rights <strong>and</strong> justice <strong>to</strong> inferior status.<br />

TWENTIETH-CENTURY UTILITARIANISM<br />

Meanwhile, the philosophy of utilitarianism was splintering in<strong>to</strong> multiple<br />

pieces. Many thinkers found the central tenet of the greatest good for the<br />

greatest number, judged by the aftermath of specific acts, <strong>to</strong> be entirely <strong>to</strong>o<br />

restrictive. They sought variants with different maximizers <strong>and</strong> different<br />

measures, as they struggled <strong>to</strong> recast utilitarianism in<strong>to</strong> a more <strong>to</strong>lerable<br />

framework. My purpose in this section is not <strong>to</strong> elaborate on each subset<br />

that arose within the scheme, but rather <strong>to</strong> illustrate briefly the centrifugal<br />

force that seems <strong>to</strong> be spinning utilitarianism in<strong>to</strong> less pertinent <strong>and</strong> ever<br />

smaller divisions.<br />

In 1959 Richard Br<strong>and</strong>t, later at the University of Michigan, introduced<br />

the terms “act” <strong>and</strong> “rule” <strong>to</strong> distinguish between two forms of utilitarianism. 30

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