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CAPITALISM'S ACHILLES HEEL Dirty Money and How to

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Renewing Capitalism 369<br />

the months following 9/11, but the financial structure <strong>to</strong> enable them <strong>to</strong><br />

create new accounts <strong>and</strong> dummy entities is still very much in existence.<br />

<strong>Money</strong> laundering drives drugs, crime, <strong>and</strong> terrorism, not because it is possible,<br />

but because it is so easy. There will be little dent in global drugs <strong>and</strong><br />

crime, <strong>and</strong> the struggle against terrorism will be waged with the lives of men<br />

<strong>and</strong> women in uniform, as long as our financial structure remains intentionally<br />

riddled with loopholes. This is not a problem that can be solved incrementally.<br />

Either we deal with all dirty money, or we succeed in suppressing<br />

virtually none of it.<br />

Western corporations can enjoy a competitive advantage in lawful operations.<br />

They cannot be as successful as others in lawless operations. Responsible<br />

business interests should underst<strong>and</strong> that they have much more <strong>to</strong> gain<br />

from supporting <strong>and</strong> extending rather than from subverting <strong>and</strong> weakening<br />

legal structures.<br />

Illicit, disguised, <strong>and</strong> hidden financial flows create a high-risk environment<br />

for capitalists <strong>and</strong> a low-risk environment for criminals <strong>and</strong> thugs.<br />

When we pervert the proper functioning of our chosen system, we lose the<br />

soft power it has <strong>to</strong> project values across the globe. Capitalism itself then<br />

runs a reputational risk. As it is now, many millions of people in developing<br />

<strong>and</strong> transitional economies scoff at free markets, regarding the concept as a<br />

license <strong>to</strong> steal in the same way as they see others illicitly enriching themselves.<br />

Our own security <strong>and</strong> prosperity are in part dependent on others having<br />

a solid stake in the legitimate free-market system.<br />

We have a choice <strong>to</strong> make as a society. Which is more important <strong>to</strong> us:<br />

fighting drugs, crime, <strong>and</strong> terrorism with all reasonable <strong>and</strong> legal means at<br />

our disposal, or continuing <strong>to</strong> cultivate <strong>and</strong> facilitate dirty money surging in<br />

from around the world? Thus far the choice has been we like the money.<br />

This is not a liberal or conservative issue. One of my most politically<br />

conservative friends asked me the key question about dirty money, “Why<br />

should any of it be legal?” With this book, the burden of proof is shifted <strong>to</strong><br />

those who want <strong>to</strong> keep taking it in. The challenge has been posed <strong>to</strong> western<br />

business <strong>and</strong> banking communities: Make the case that dirty money or<br />

any part of it is good for your country.<br />

The second reason for change is a sense of humanity. Earlier I <strong>to</strong>ld<br />

the s<strong>to</strong>ry of Mary, weeping, on her knees, begging <strong>to</strong> give up her child. I<br />

asked you <strong>to</strong> imagine that you were in that hotel room <strong>and</strong> <strong>to</strong> keep the<br />

image in mind through the pages that followed. From this perspective,

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