Linking Culture and the Environment

R.E. Mitchell 169
somewhat in 1997 due to the combined effects of El Niño and the 1996–1997
MRTA (Tupac Amaru Revolutionary Movement) takeover of the Japanese
Embassy in Lima.
In contrast to Chiquian, according to Puno Coast Guard records, in 1996
Taquile Island had 27,685 visitors. By 2001, of the 83,000 annual tourists to
Puno, nearly half or 40,000 went to Taquile, which is ‘an astonishing number
given the rustic remoteness of the island’ (Zorn and Farthing, 2007, p. 681).
By 2005, the overwhelming majority of tourists travelled to Taquile on outsiders’
boats and 95% stayed only for the day (Zorn and Farthing, 2007).
When asked if tourism was responsible for any negative impacts (either
social or environmental), 84% of Taquile and 90% of Chiquian respondents
disagree with the statement. Still, many key informants claim that tourism
has caused some problems for both communities, but especially so in Taquile
due to its higher visitation numbers and relatively fragile setting, e.g. limited
space and resources, dependency on lake for transport and food. Due to the
increasing amount of congestion and litter on Taquile, some tourists and
agencies interviewed displaced to other nearby islands, e.g. Amantaní,
Islands of the Sun and Moon, Suasi (or, more recently, Anapia Island). This
suggests that local tourism use is relatively elastic. Whereas many Taquileans
feel their island to be so unique that it will continue to draw more visitors by
reputation alone, many Chiquian interviewees suggest that visitor numbers
could decline due to increasing litter, poorly marked trails, inadequate promotion
and heightened mining activity in the Huayhuash. Likewise, other
unique areas exist for hiking and climbing in the nearby Cordillera Blanca
may influence visitor preferences.
Tourism planning
This research found that key individuals in both communities played important
roles in the early stages of tourism planning. On Taquile Island, initial
reluctance to be involved in tourism changed to outright support when economic
benefits from community-wide participation in handicraft sales and
lodging provision became apparent. Many respondents suggest the determination
of ex-governor and expert weaver Francisco Huatta Huatta, Belgian
priest Father Pepe Loits and US Peace Corps worker Kevin Healy persuaded
the islanders of tourism’s economic advantages. These outside experts demonstrated
that equitable participation could provide tourism services locally
without drastically changing traditional ways. For example:
Father Loits . . . is one of the important factors of the island’s development
and was there when the first tourists came, [but the islanders] did not want to
bring [them] . . . they felt tourism would change them. [Father Loits] explained
that it would be O.K. and told them about [cultural] exchanges, and how the
monetary system worked. . . . It seems to me that what he did was to
conscientize the people that their island had value and richness, and that they
had to maintain their identity. . . . So when tourism increased, the [negative]
effect was reduced and [Taquile] was able to maintain itself.