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essential-guide-to-qualitative-in-organizational-research

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––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––– LIFE HISTORIES –––––––––– 35anticipated future which provides lives with a sense of unity and purpose’. As such the lifehis<strong>to</strong>ry method provides a fundamental source of knowledge about how people experienceand make sense of themselves and their environments, allow<strong>in</strong>g the ac<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>to</strong> speak forthemselves. In some circumstances the voices may then be <strong>in</strong>terpreted, but the process of<strong>in</strong>terpretation will always attempt <strong>to</strong> reflect the ac<strong>to</strong>rs’ perspective, rather than simply that ofthe <strong>research</strong>er. This is not <strong>to</strong> say that the approach accepts the account of the <strong>in</strong>dividual assome k<strong>in</strong>d of unproblematic version of an objective ‘truth’. Rather, the method is predicatedon the assumption that ‘all perspectives dangle from some person’s problematic. Views, truthsand conceptions of the real can never be wholly ripped away from the people who experiencethem’ (Plummer, 1983: 57). But neither does the method seek <strong>to</strong> deny that people existwith<strong>in</strong> particular structural and <strong>in</strong>stitutional constra<strong>in</strong>ts. Instead, it specifically locates itself <strong>in</strong>the nexus between determ<strong>in</strong>istic structures and <strong>in</strong>dividual agency, between those fac<strong>to</strong>rs thatmight be described as relatively objective, and the subjective <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the <strong>in</strong>dividual(Casey, 1993; Elder, 1981). On<strong>to</strong>logically, it recognizes the dialectical relationship betweenthese two processes: that human be<strong>in</strong>gs, through their actions, impose themselves on andcreate their worlds, but they do so <strong>in</strong> a world which presents itself as already constitutedthrough a network of typifications. These typifications – for example, group norms, groupmean<strong>in</strong>gs, group language – express the systematic and coherent ‘rationality’ or ‘grammar’ ofthe context, and thus reflect, and <strong>in</strong> turn constitute, the culture or system of shared mean<strong>in</strong>g<strong>in</strong> which the <strong>in</strong>dividual is located. In sum, the approach views ‘the <strong>in</strong>dividual, embedded <strong>in</strong>a network of relationships and statuses, as the irreducible unit of analysis’ (Mathews, 1977: 37).But it would be a mistake <strong>to</strong> view life his<strong>to</strong>ries as <strong>to</strong>tally <strong>in</strong>dividualistic. Of course theyreflect the experiences of the <strong>in</strong>dividual through a given period of time, but because livesmove resolutely through his<strong>to</strong>ry and structure they can also provide an understand<strong>in</strong>g thatextends beyond the <strong>in</strong>dividual and <strong>in</strong><strong>to</strong> the wider context of organizations, <strong>in</strong>stitutions,cultures and societies. As Thompson (<strong>in</strong> Bertaux, 1981) po<strong>in</strong>ts out, a life his<strong>to</strong>ry cannot be<strong>to</strong>ld without constant reference <strong>to</strong> his<strong>to</strong>rical change: social or <strong>organizational</strong>. In a period whenconstant change is perceived as the norm and much <strong>organizational</strong> and management <strong>research</strong>is devoted <strong>to</strong> try<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> understand it, life his<strong>to</strong>ries can provide a useful w<strong>in</strong>dow through which<strong>to</strong> widen our understand<strong>in</strong>g of the change process with<strong>in</strong> organizations. The method canavoid the common <strong>research</strong> error which Becker (1966: xiii) noted three decades ago butwhich still holds true <strong>to</strong>day: that process is an ‘overworked notion’ <strong>in</strong> <strong>research</strong>, <strong>in</strong> that<strong>research</strong>ers often talk a lot about ongo<strong>in</strong>g processes whilst us<strong>in</strong>g methods which prevent themfrom uncover<strong>in</strong>g the very processes which they seek <strong>to</strong> identify.The life his<strong>to</strong>ry method also recognizes the collusion of the <strong>research</strong>er <strong>in</strong> the <strong>research</strong>process. It does not presume that the <strong>research</strong>er is some impartial, value-free entity,unproblematically engag<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> the <strong>research</strong> process <strong>to</strong> produce objective accounts of a reifiedtruth. Rather, the approach recognizes that the <strong>research</strong>er also br<strong>in</strong>gs implicit and explicittheories <strong>to</strong> the <strong>research</strong> situation, and the task of the <strong>research</strong>er <strong>in</strong>cludes surfac<strong>in</strong>g these <strong>in</strong> thestruggle for balance between theory <strong>in</strong> the <strong>research</strong>er’s head and theory employed by thepeople <strong>in</strong> the <strong>research</strong> situation.The explicat<strong>in</strong>g of the <strong>research</strong>er’s basic assumptions and theoretical frameworks is a centralaspect of the validity of the method. In addition, validity is achieved through the congruenceof <strong>research</strong> explanations with the mean<strong>in</strong>gs with which members construct their realities andaccomplish their everyday activities. Part of the methodological rigour, then, entails allow<strong>in</strong>gthe explanations of the <strong>research</strong>er <strong>to</strong> be subjected <strong>to</strong> the scrut<strong>in</strong>y of <strong>organizational</strong> members

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