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essential-guide-to-qualitative-in-organizational-research

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36 –––––––––– QUALITATIVE METHODS IN ORGANIZATION STUDIES ––––––––––––––––––<strong>to</strong> see whether these accounts resonate with and <strong>in</strong>form the members’ own understand<strong>in</strong>gsof their subjective experiences. Even though the concepts and categories used <strong>in</strong> this processmight be allowed <strong>to</strong> emerge from the data (see Glaser and Strauss, 1967 for a full discussionof grounded theory, and Länsisalmi et al., Chapter 20, this volume), they must best <strong>in</strong>terpretthe particular material by reta<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g the mean<strong>in</strong>g of the ac<strong>to</strong>rs <strong>in</strong>volved. In this sense, theconcepts and constructs developed <strong>in</strong> a particular life his<strong>to</strong>ry will be context specific.APPLICATION OF THE METHOD IN ORGANIZATIONAL ANALYSIS ––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––––Some of the specific benefits of apply<strong>in</strong>g this method are, first, <strong>in</strong> understand<strong>in</strong>g howorganizations’ function <strong>in</strong>volves understand<strong>in</strong>g the ambiguities, uncerta<strong>in</strong>ties andproblematics that <strong>in</strong>dividuals experience and resolve on a daily basis. Allow<strong>in</strong>g people <strong>to</strong>expla<strong>in</strong> for themselves the experience of contradictions and confusions, moments of <strong>in</strong>decisionand turn<strong>in</strong>g po<strong>in</strong>ts, can illustrate graphically how <strong>organizational</strong> socialization processes areaccomplished, for example, and consequently illum<strong>in</strong>ate our understand<strong>in</strong>g of how <strong>in</strong>dividualsand organizations function, more than methods which reduce experience <strong>to</strong> abstracteddef<strong>in</strong>itions and moribund descriptions.Second, the technique allows the <strong>research</strong>er access <strong>to</strong> the network of typifications, or<strong>in</strong>terpretive schemes, which <strong>in</strong>dividuals br<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> their roles <strong>in</strong> particular organizations. Thismay be particularly relevant if the <strong>research</strong> question <strong>in</strong>volves understand<strong>in</strong>g the motivationsand <strong>in</strong>fluences which powerful <strong>organizational</strong> leaders, or specific groups, br<strong>in</strong>g <strong>to</strong> bear onorganizations (see, for example, Bloor and Dawson, 1994). The method can expose themanner <strong>in</strong> which entrepreneurs or founders come <strong>to</strong> hold their particular beliefs and versionsof rationality, and how they impose these def<strong>in</strong>itions on others.F<strong>in</strong>ally, the <strong>organizational</strong> literature is replete with studies of <strong>organizational</strong> culture but veryfew studies actually give specific advice about how <strong>to</strong> conduct a cultural analysis that capturesthe complexity and dynamism of cultural processes. Life his<strong>to</strong>ry method can provide this. AsJones po<strong>in</strong>ts out, ‘the world of formal organization can be viewed as a network of typifications,as a particular form of language that has been produced his<strong>to</strong>rically through the rational andexpressive acts of its population’ (1983: 154). This <strong>organizational</strong> language, or grammar ofaction, provides the basic rules for <strong>organizational</strong> activity. In this sense, this grammar of actionis the <strong>organizational</strong> culture. Understand<strong>in</strong>g how this language is constituted, throughgather<strong>in</strong>g <strong>organizational</strong> life his<strong>to</strong>ry data, can give students an analytic handle on the culturalcomposition of organizations. This understand<strong>in</strong>g should <strong>in</strong>clude the recognition tha<strong>to</strong>rganizational languages or grammars are constituted <strong>in</strong> three ma<strong>in</strong> ways (Jones, 1983), eachof which is central <strong>to</strong> the way <strong>organizational</strong> lives develop.First, organizations, like <strong>in</strong>dividuals, do not exist <strong>in</strong> a vacuum. The constitutive rules orgrammars of action of an organization reflect a rationality embodied <strong>in</strong> the widerenvironment(s) of which the organization is a part. These rules are embodied <strong>in</strong> the languageof the organization, and are reproduced through it. For example, the language of health careorganizations <strong>in</strong> the UK now <strong>in</strong>cludes an economic discourse, which was <strong>in</strong>troducedexternally, but which now <strong>in</strong>fluences and <strong>in</strong>forms the activity of all health care organizations.Second, <strong>organizational</strong> languages are constituted collectively, and represent and reproduce acollective memory of events (see Middle<strong>to</strong>n and Edwards, 1991 for a detailed exposition onmemory as a socially constituted activity). These collective memories, which provide recipes

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