Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
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Anaphors and Bound <strong>Presuppositions</strong><br />
possible to replace a bound presupposition with an anaphoric alternative <strong>in</strong>stead<br />
support the opposite conclusion, that if hierarchical structure affects the availability<br />
of antecedents for triggered presuppositions, then it does not do it <strong>in</strong> the same way<br />
as it restricts availability of antecedents for anaphoric expressions.<br />
4.5 DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS<br />
I believe the corpus data supports the claim of the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory that presupposed<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation and anaphoric <strong>in</strong>formation behave <strong>in</strong> a similar way. On several<br />
different counts <strong>in</strong>duced presuppositions seem to behave similarly to discourse<br />
anaphor. However, they are more versatile <strong>in</strong> many respects. Because presupposed<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation is descriptively richer and has semantic weight it can have functions <strong>in</strong><br />
discourse situations that are not found with anaphoric alternatives. To sum up, <strong>in</strong><br />
examples (15), (16) and (17) presuppositional expressions were able to precisely<br />
refer to already given <strong>in</strong>formation, even <strong>in</strong> cases where a pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphor was<br />
possible, but us<strong>in</strong>g it would not have had the same mean<strong>in</strong>g. In some cases it can<br />
have a summariz<strong>in</strong>g function. In other cases where an anaphoric alternative was<br />
possible the use of a presuppositional expression also contributed additional<br />
rhetorical effect that the anaphoric alternative would not have, e.g. (18), (19), (20)<br />
and (21). There are also cases where the recognition that the presupposed<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation and the potential antecedent refer to the same <strong>in</strong>formation is necessary<br />
for a coherent <strong>in</strong>terpretation of the discourse, e.g. (24). Example (22) seems to<br />
suggest that even <strong>in</strong> cases of great distance, and where the presupposition could not<br />
be replaced with a semantically empty anaphoric pronoun, hearers may actually be<br />
perceiv<strong>in</strong>g the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation as anaphoric. F<strong>in</strong>ally, example (26) shows<br />
that presuppositional expressions can function <strong>in</strong> contexts <strong>in</strong> a way similar to what<br />
has been generally described as discourse pops, retriev<strong>in</strong>g an antecedent from an<br />
earlier abandoned topic after an <strong>in</strong>terven<strong>in</strong>g discussion.<br />
Given the difficulties <strong>in</strong> identify<strong>in</strong>g antecedents discussed above, it might<br />
seem simpler to use some version of the satisfaction theory, only <strong>in</strong>tuitively<br />
consider<strong>in</strong>g the discourse record to see if the <strong>in</strong>formation presupposed is already<br />
satisfied by <strong>in</strong>formation given earlier <strong>in</strong> the discourse. If it were satisfied, simply<br />
consider<strong>in</strong>g the triggered presupposition to be felicitously used and leav<strong>in</strong>g it at that<br />
would simplify the analysis immensely. But this strategy would also have completely<br />
obscured the other functions that the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation had <strong>in</strong> the<br />
discourse. See<strong>in</strong>g that the already given <strong>in</strong>formation and the presupposed<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation together add rhetorical effect or see<strong>in</strong>g that they are creat<strong>in</strong>g a new<br />
abstract object, or understand<strong>in</strong>g how they make a conclusion more concrete and<br />
explicit by the use of the presuppositional expression, as <strong>in</strong> examples (15), (16) and<br />
(17), is part of what speakers perceive about the <strong>in</strong>formation exchanged, and is<br />
certa<strong>in</strong>ly someth<strong>in</strong>g we want to be aware of <strong>in</strong> resolv<strong>in</strong>g presuppositions.<br />
Therefore, I ma<strong>in</strong>ta<strong>in</strong> that we need a b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g analogy to account for these<br />
examples, because we need to identify the l<strong>in</strong>guistic expression from which the<br />
antecedent is derived to see how it fits <strong>in</strong> with the rest of the discourse.<br />
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