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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 4<br />

perceiv<strong>in</strong>g the coherence of the discourse. These additional functions make<br />

presuppositions much more than long-distance anaphors. This is seen <strong>in</strong> a closer<br />

exam<strong>in</strong>ation of cases where an anaphoric expression would be able to pick up the<br />

same antecedent <strong>in</strong> the same context, but where a presuppositional expression was<br />

used <strong>in</strong>stead. These examples show that the use of a presuppositional expression<br />

contributes additional mean<strong>in</strong>g. This po<strong>in</strong>t will be illustrated by contrast<strong>in</strong>g bound<br />

factive presuppositions with several examples from the corpus of abstract object<br />

anaphors <strong>in</strong> the object complement of factives, an anaphoric alternative to factive<br />

presuppositions. This comparison illustrates that, while the abstract object<br />

anaphors and the bound factive presuppositions function similarly, the bound<br />

presuppositions add additional mean<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> part because they have descriptive<br />

content that can <strong>in</strong> a more ref<strong>in</strong>ed way pick up a specific part of earlier given<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation. One example also suggests that hearers seem to perceive even longdistance<br />

relationships between presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation and potential antecedents,<br />

access<strong>in</strong>g the earlier context where the antecedent was <strong>in</strong>troduced <strong>in</strong> a way similar<br />

to the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of long-distance anaphoric relationships.<br />

Some observations are also made about hierarchical discourse structure and<br />

its relationships to anaphoric and presuppositional <strong>in</strong>formation. The corpus data<br />

does not support the proposal that a hierarchical discourse structure limits<br />

availability of antecedents for bound presuppositions.<br />

F<strong>in</strong>ally, I will discuss how the results relate to the view of presupposition as<br />

anaphora, other characterizations of presuppositions and the functions of the<br />

presuppositions <strong>in</strong>duced by different triggers <strong>in</strong> discourse.<br />

4.1 ANAPHORS AND ANAPHORIC BINDING<br />

One of the claims of the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory is that presuppositions behave like<br />

anaphors. Later, <strong>in</strong> a stronger claim, Geurts (1999) argued that pronom<strong>in</strong>al<br />

anaphora are actually a form of presupposition. In section 2.3.2 we saw that locally,<br />

they seem to function the same as anaphoric expressions. But are <strong>in</strong>duced<br />

presuppositions used and perceived by speakers and hearers <strong>in</strong> a way similar to<br />

pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphora <strong>in</strong> extended discourse? To exam<strong>in</strong>e this question <strong>in</strong> relation<br />

to the corpus data, we need to first identify what characteristics have been<br />

associated with discourse anaphors <strong>in</strong> extended discourse.<br />

The discussion will focus on pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphors that can be used to refer<br />

to the same types of th<strong>in</strong>gs that the triggered presuppositions studied <strong>in</strong> the corpus<br />

can be used to refer to. The class of anaphoric expressions that has all these<br />

characteristics is pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphors. For the most part, we will also compare<br />

abstract object pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphors with triggers that <strong>in</strong>duce presuppositions of<br />

abstract objects. However, we will also compare pronom<strong>in</strong>al s<strong>in</strong>gular anaphors with<br />

def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs, 1 which are treated here as presupposition trigger<strong>in</strong>g expressions.<br />

1 Here def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs refers to def<strong>in</strong>ite descriptions which are s<strong>in</strong>gular and plural NPs <strong>in</strong>troduced<br />

by the or other conversational variants of the (here dhi), demonstrative NPs modified by that, this,<br />

these, those, as well as all NPs modified by possessive pronouns and noun phrases <strong>in</strong> genitive case<br />

(e.g. with genitive ‘s).<br />

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