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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 2<br />

(1999, p. 6). In the follow<strong>in</strong>g, if ϕ is an utterance that presupposes χ,we can write<br />

this as ϕ{χ}.<br />

(8) a. not ϕ{χ}<br />

b. it is possible that ϕ{χ}<br />

c. a believes that ϕ{χ}<br />

d. if ϕ{χ} then ψ<br />

e. either ϕ{χ} or ψ<br />

Geurts (1999) po<strong>in</strong>ts out that some embedd<strong>in</strong>gs will make the presuppositional<br />

<strong>in</strong>ference seem stronger than others, but that generally presuppositions will project<br />

out of negated and modal contexts, e.g. above <strong>in</strong> (8) a and (8)b. 1<br />

The easiest way to get the hang of identify<strong>in</strong>g presuppositions is to look at<br />

several examples, vary<strong>in</strong>g the embedd<strong>in</strong>gs and assur<strong>in</strong>g yourself that the<br />

presupposition survives. Below examples sentences are given with each of the<br />

triggers that are studied later <strong>in</strong> the corpus: factives, aspectual verbs, it-clefts, too<br />

and def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs. First the a-sentences presented the trigger used without an<br />

embedd<strong>in</strong>g, with the trigger underl<strong>in</strong>ed. The b-sentences give the same sentence<br />

but <strong>in</strong> one of the embedded contexts given <strong>in</strong> (8). The c-sentences give the <strong>in</strong>duced<br />

presupposition.<br />

(9) factive verb matter with a sentential subject complement<br />

a. That it is already November matters.<br />

b. That it is already November doesn’t matter.<br />

c. It is already November.<br />

(10) factive verb regret with a sentential object complement<br />

a. Andy regrets choos<strong>in</strong>g the fish.<br />

b. Andy regrets choos<strong>in</strong>g the fish.<br />

c. Andy chose the fish.<br />

(11) factive adjective glad with sentential object complement<br />

a. Henk is glad that Re<strong>in</strong>hard came to visit.<br />

b. Rob believes that Henk is glad that Re<strong>in</strong>hard came to visit.<br />

c. Re<strong>in</strong>hard came to visit.<br />

(12) aspectual verb, quit<br />

a. Rob totally quit smok<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

b. If Rob totally quits smok<strong>in</strong>g, he will probably be <strong>in</strong> a bad mood all the time.<br />

1 Note also that it is well known that some triggers cannot be embedded under all contexts. For<br />

example, positive polarity items like rather and too can’t be embedded <strong>in</strong> negative contexts (see van<br />

der Sandt 1988, Geurts 1999). Because of this, the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation of positive polarity<br />

items cannot be identified by us<strong>in</strong>g the negation test. For example, you can’t embed too under<br />

negation because <strong>in</strong> a negated sentence you have to use its negative polarity counterpart, either,<br />

e.g. *I don’t like fruit too, vs. I don’t like fruit either. Too is the only trigger studied <strong>in</strong> the corpus work<br />

that fails the negation test because of polarity.<br />

8

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