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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 2<br />

updated context is subtracted from the orig<strong>in</strong>al context. In this example, we first<br />

update c to obta<strong>in</strong> all worlds where Julia does have a bicycle and then we subtract<br />

this context from the orig<strong>in</strong>al c. The result is all worlds where Julia does not have a<br />

bicycle.<br />

If a presupposition is not def<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong> the context then try<strong>in</strong>g to update will<br />

result <strong>in</strong> undef<strong>in</strong>edness. But fortunately the satisfaction theory has a way to get<br />

around this by us<strong>in</strong>g some additional rules that allow for presupposition<br />

accommodation. Let’s pretend we need to update an empty context with the<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g sentence:<br />

(56) Julia’s bicycle is red.<br />

We start with an empty context c. The sentence we want to update with conta<strong>in</strong>s<br />

the <strong>in</strong>formation contributed by the def<strong>in</strong>ite NP Julia’s bicycle and this presupposes<br />

that Julia has a bicycle, p. So updat<strong>in</strong>g c become c+[S{p}]. First we have to test if<br />

the presupposition is satisfied <strong>in</strong> the context. Because the context is empty the<br />

answer must be no; c still conta<strong>in</strong>s worlds where Julia doesn’t have a bicycle. But<br />

we can pretend that the context already <strong>in</strong>cluded the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation by<br />

revis<strong>in</strong>g the context c to a context that satisfies the presupposition by tak<strong>in</strong>g on<br />

those worlds where Julia has a bicycle, a revised context we can call c’. Then we<br />

update with S us<strong>in</strong>g c’+[S{p}] rather than c. The presupposition is satisfied <strong>in</strong> the<br />

revised context and the sentence can be processed without any problems.<br />

Accommodation is less straightforward <strong>in</strong> the satisfaction theory when<br />

deal<strong>in</strong>g with presuppositions triggered under embedd<strong>in</strong>gs. If we take an example<br />

where a presupposition is triggered under negation, we can illustrate both local and<br />

global accommodation. Look at the follow<strong>in</strong>g example:<br />

(57) S: Julia’s bicycle is not red.<br />

We start with a new context c and then we analyze the sentence S. S <strong>in</strong>duces the<br />

presupposition p that Julia has a bicycle. Because we have an empty context we<br />

know that the context we are deal<strong>in</strong>g with conta<strong>in</strong>s not only the worlds where the<br />

presupposition is true, but also where it is false (e.g. because an empty context<br />

conta<strong>in</strong>s all possible worlds, it conta<strong>in</strong>s worlds where the presupposition is both<br />

true as well as those where the presupposition doesn’t hold). We want to evaluate<br />

our sentence only <strong>in</strong> those worlds where the presupposition holds so we have to<br />

first remove the worlds where the presupposition is not true. Note that accord<strong>in</strong>g<br />

to the rules of embedd<strong>in</strong>g given above the update of the context c+[ ¬S{p}] = c –<br />

(c+[ S{p}]) = c’. We can accommodate the presupposition globally or locally.<br />

Global accommodation of the presupposition <strong>in</strong> c – (c+[ S{p}]) amounts to<br />

revis<strong>in</strong>g both contexts, <strong>in</strong> effect c+p – (c+p+[S{p}]). Thus, contextual update<br />

with S is then performed only on the set of worlds where the presupposition is<br />

satisfied. In our example this would amount to first tak<strong>in</strong>g only the worlds where<br />

Julia has a bicycle, and then updat<strong>in</strong>g with the <strong>in</strong>formation that the bicycle is not<br />

36

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