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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Accommodation and Presupposition<br />

presupposition is triggered under an embedd<strong>in</strong>g that creates at least two contexts.<br />

To be able to correctly discuss preferences for higher levels of accommodation<br />

over lower ones, only cases where there was some type of embedd<strong>in</strong>g should be<br />

<strong>in</strong>cluded <strong>in</strong> the count. For this reason I will make a dist<strong>in</strong>ction between global<br />

accommodation (GLOBAL) for cases where the presupposition is triggered <strong>in</strong> at least<br />

one level of embedd<strong>in</strong>g, and ma<strong>in</strong> accommodation (MAIN), where there is no<br />

embedded context and the only level possible for accommodation is <strong>in</strong> the ma<strong>in</strong><br />

DRS, i.e. where the home DRS of the trigger is the ma<strong>in</strong> DRS of the discourse.<br />

This means that accommodation at each level was tested to determ<strong>in</strong>e if the<br />

resolution would result <strong>in</strong> a well-formed DRS, e.g. with no unbound variables, as<br />

well as a DRS acceptable from a discourse perspective, i.e. both consistent and<br />

<strong>in</strong>formative. Currently, cases of INTERMEDIATE accommodation are counted with<br />

LOCAL because it was often unclear what the differences <strong>in</strong> read<strong>in</strong>gs will be<br />

between <strong>in</strong>termediate and local accommodation.<br />

Table 5 presents the number of examples of each type found <strong>in</strong> the London-<br />

Lund corpus.<br />

Ma<strong>in</strong> DRS (MAIN) and global accommodation (GLOBAL) were the most<br />

frequent analysis for presuppositions triggered by all trigger types except for too.<br />

The low number of examples of GLOBAL and LOCAL accommodation may be<br />

the result of a lower frequency of embedded contexts <strong>in</strong> dialogue. For abstract<br />

triggers, there were only 28 cases where the trigger<strong>in</strong>g expression occurred under at<br />

least one identifiable level of embedd<strong>in</strong>g. For def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs categorized as new there<br />

were no presuppositional expressions accommodated under embedd<strong>in</strong>g. A possible<br />

explanation for this could be that present<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>formation or ideas us<strong>in</strong>g these types<br />

of contexts may be less frequent than concrete references to the past or to the here<br />

and now <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>formal conversation.<br />

The tendency to accommodate differed greatly by trigger type. Aspectual<br />

verbs, followed by factives, were the most likely to accommodate. On the other<br />

hand, only two presuppositions triggered by too could be <strong>in</strong>terpreted as possible<br />

cases of accommodation. One of these cases was an utterance with too found at the<br />

beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of a record<strong>in</strong>g where the speakers were already engaged <strong>in</strong> their<br />

conversation when they entered the room with the recorder. This might mean that<br />

this particular presupposition was not <strong>in</strong>tended to be accommodated and had an<br />

antecedent <strong>in</strong> the part of the conversation that was not recorded.<br />

101

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