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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 2<br />

describ<strong>in</strong>g defeasible <strong>in</strong>ference rules, i.e. rules that generate <strong>in</strong>ferences that may<br />

later be revised or abandoned because of additional knowledge.<br />

Asher & Lascarides (1998b) treat presupposition resolution as an <strong>in</strong>tegrated<br />

part of the task of build<strong>in</strong>g a discourse representation. They believe that the<br />

orig<strong>in</strong>al b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory cannot properly deal with all examples of presupposition<br />

because it lacks a richer representation of discourse structure which place a part <strong>in</strong><br />

some examples. They consider one of the biggest problems with the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory<br />

to be its treatment of accommodation. Accommodated <strong>in</strong>formation is not related<br />

to the discourse <strong>in</strong> any pr<strong>in</strong>cipled way, it is merely added. That there is a need for<br />

accommodated <strong>in</strong>formation to be <strong>in</strong>tegrated <strong>in</strong>to the discourse representation is<br />

often noted <strong>in</strong> b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory literature (e.g. van der Sandt, 1992, Geurts 1999), but<br />

how and to what degree this <strong>in</strong>tegration should proceed is not discussed <strong>in</strong> any<br />

detail, if at all. Asher & Lascarides’ (1998b) proposal elim<strong>in</strong>ates the need for pure<br />

accommodation by <strong>in</strong>stead treat<strong>in</strong>g all cases that would be accommodated <strong>in</strong> the<br />

orig<strong>in</strong>al b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory as b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g to a rhetorical relationship. This is one of the<br />

important ways <strong>in</strong> which their treatment of presupposition differs from the orig<strong>in</strong>al<br />

b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory. They also believe that they can expla<strong>in</strong> more easily why some uses<br />

of accommodated presuppositions result <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>felicitous discourses, an explanatory<br />

ability that they see as a def<strong>in</strong>ite advantage over van der Sandt’s (1992) account<br />

which would treat these examples as normal, permissible adjustments of the <strong>in</strong>put<br />

context by accommodation.<br />

In their account, b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g and accommodation are both treated by the same<br />

method ⎯ by b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g via a rhetorical relationship to the rest of the discourse<br />

representation at some accessible attachment site. Because they also consider nonidentity<br />

relationships such as the relationship between <strong>in</strong>ferred <strong>in</strong>formation, such as<br />

bridg<strong>in</strong>g NPs, to a be related by b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g to other objects <strong>in</strong> the discourse, basically<br />

all <strong>in</strong>formation is resolved by the same method. At first glance this seems to blur<br />

the dist<strong>in</strong>ction between assertional mean<strong>in</strong>g and presuppositional mean<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

However, when the resolution process beg<strong>in</strong>s, the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation and<br />

the asserted <strong>in</strong>formation are separated. In resolution, presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation is<br />

treated differently than asserted <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong> two important ways.<br />

First, presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation is generally related to the discourse by the<br />

rhetorical relationship of Background, where the presupposition is considered to be<br />

background <strong>in</strong>formation to the proposition to which it attaches. Alternatively the<br />

presupposition can be related to another proposition by Defeasible-Consequence or<br />

Def-Con, where the proposition to which the presupposition is bound is considered<br />

to be a defeasible consequence of the presupposition. The majority of triggers are<br />

rhetorically related via Background or Defeasibile-Con and this is meant to capture the<br />

<strong>in</strong>tuition that presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation is backgrounded or taken for granted. Some<br />

triggers however, particularly particles, are treated differently, associated with a<br />

particular rhetorical relationship almost exclusively. Asher and Lascarides mention<br />

too <strong>in</strong> particular, where the presupposition it triggers is always rhetorically related via<br />

the Parallel relationship to another proposition. The <strong>in</strong>duced presupposition of<br />

because is always related via the relation of Explanation to an earlier proposition <strong>in</strong><br />

42

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