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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Between B<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g and Accommodation<br />

Below I try to motivate what types of examples should be considered<br />

bridg<strong>in</strong>g by identify<strong>in</strong>g three characteristics that I believe we generally associate<br />

with the prototypical examples and then use these characteristics to exclude from<br />

the <strong>in</strong>ventory relationships that have very different characteristics. The<br />

relationships that rema<strong>in</strong>, because they share these three core characteristics, also<br />

often share other qualities and could be treated by similar methods. The reader can<br />

compare these characteristics to those given by Clark (1975) and listed <strong>in</strong> 6.1.<br />

1) Their resolution should require an <strong>in</strong>ference, us<strong>in</strong>g non-<br />

discourse-given knowledge.<br />

2) They should need or require the addition of a new reference marker.<br />

3) The bridg<strong>in</strong>g NP must be marked as presuppositional, to signal the need<br />

for the <strong>in</strong>ference.<br />

First, pronouns should not be subsumed under this def<strong>in</strong>ition of bridg<strong>in</strong>g. They do<br />

not contribute new existential <strong>in</strong>formation and they do not need non-discoursegiven<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation for their resolution. They are also coded for gender and number,<br />

th<strong>in</strong>gs which play a role <strong>in</strong> their resolution. They are constra<strong>in</strong>ed by discourse<br />

structure, or alternatively can be considered to contribute to structur<strong>in</strong>g discourse<br />

<strong>in</strong> a way that is quite different from def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs. Their <strong>in</strong>terpretation is also clearly<br />

dependent on another discourse <strong>in</strong>dividual and not on the context as a whole.<br />

Second, relationship of co-reference should not be considered bridg<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

Putt<strong>in</strong>g co-reference relationships <strong>in</strong>to the same category as bridg<strong>in</strong>g confuses two<br />

very dist<strong>in</strong>ct semantic processes – the addition of a new <strong>in</strong>dividual to the context<br />

versus retriev<strong>in</strong>g or recogniz<strong>in</strong>g an already present <strong>in</strong>dividual. Whether or not an<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual is already part of your discourse model is one of the most basic questions<br />

you can ask about a model. Collaps<strong>in</strong>g these two categories blurs a dist<strong>in</strong>ction<br />

between existential <strong>in</strong>formation and attributive <strong>in</strong>formation. Some of the<br />

def<strong>in</strong>itions of bridg<strong>in</strong>g presented <strong>in</strong> the background seem to limit co-reference<br />

bridg<strong>in</strong>g to examples where some <strong>in</strong>ference or lexical or world knowledge is<br />

required to identify the anchor. This also confuses two different concepts, the<br />

nature of the relationship and the method or <strong>in</strong>formation source you can use to<br />

identify this relationship. If two l<strong>in</strong>guistics expressions refer to the same referent,<br />

then whether it is necessary to use lexical or encyclopedic knowledge to understand<br />

this is an issue that has to do with the decod<strong>in</strong>g process, not the <strong>in</strong>terpretation of<br />

the <strong>in</strong>tended message. And aga<strong>in</strong>, the relationship is clearly with another semantic<br />

<strong>in</strong>dividual and not with the context.<br />

Other examples that do not require <strong>in</strong>ference should also be removed. This<br />

would then <strong>in</strong>clude described (D) type examples, also those classified as unfamiliar<br />

with explanatory modifier by Hawk<strong>in</strong>s (1978). First, these examples all function as<br />

a k<strong>in</strong>d of argument to another constituent. It is the constituent as a whole that has<br />

a relationship with the context. Second, they do not require an <strong>in</strong>ference because<br />

the relationship is explicitly marked. Third, these relationships are often unable to<br />

support an anaphoric relationship on their own. Poesio et al. (1997) observed that<br />

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