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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Tableau 1 <strong>in</strong>terpret : If Julia bakes cookies, her brother eats them.<br />

<strong>in</strong>put: if a then b{p} AVOIDA BE STRONG<br />

� 1. p, a ⇒ b (global) *<br />

2. ( a ∧ p) ⇒ b<br />

(<strong>in</strong>termediate)<br />

* *(1 >2,3)<br />

3. a ⇒ (b ∧ p) (local) * *(3 >2)<br />

Approaches to Presupposition<br />

All three <strong>in</strong>terpretations demand accommodation, violat<strong>in</strong>g AVOIDA. Thus, the<br />

constra<strong>in</strong>t that determ<strong>in</strong>es the w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g candidate is BE STRONG. Because candidate<br />

1 is semantically stronger than both candidate 2 and candidate 3, the w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretation is candidate 1, i.e. global accommodation. The w<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g candidate <strong>in</strong><br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretation is always marked with an arrow (�).<br />

Blutner (2000) developed Bidirectional Optimality Theory to account for<br />

several well known pragmatic problems, argu<strong>in</strong>g that tak<strong>in</strong>g the perspective of both<br />

the hearer and the speaker at the same time offers a solution. His treatment of<br />

presupposition projection is meant to illustrate how Bi-OT can be applied to<br />

structural underspecification. Bi-OT takes the position of radical pragmatics,<br />

treat<strong>in</strong>g mean<strong>in</strong>g as underspecified for <strong>in</strong>terpretation. Only by apply<strong>in</strong>g pragmatic<br />

pr<strong>in</strong>ciples to mean<strong>in</strong>gs to resolve this underspecification can we get an explanation<br />

for preferences <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation.<br />

The pragmatic pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>in</strong> bidirectional OT that constra<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation as<br />

well as production are based on neo-Gricean pr<strong>in</strong>ciples of cooperation. Blutner<br />

(2000) uses the pruned Gricean pr<strong>in</strong>ciples <strong>in</strong>troduced by Atlas & Lev<strong>in</strong>son (1981)<br />

and Horn (1984), generally known at the Q- 18 and I-pr<strong>in</strong>ciples. Exam<strong>in</strong>e the<br />

follow<strong>in</strong>g def<strong>in</strong>itions:<br />

Q-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple: Say as much as you can (given I) (Horn, 1984)<br />

I-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple: Say no more than you must (given Q). (Horn, 1984)<br />

Read as much <strong>in</strong>to an utterance as is consistent with what you<br />

know about the world (Lev<strong>in</strong>son 1983: 146-147)<br />

In general, Bi-OT uses the Q-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple to constra<strong>in</strong> generation and the I-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple<br />

to constra<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation. But the way they are def<strong>in</strong>ed makes them dependent on<br />

each other as well. In Bi-OT the optimization of <strong>in</strong>terpretation and optimization of<br />

generation constra<strong>in</strong> each other. Presuppositional b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g is argued to be a direct<br />

effect of fully comply<strong>in</strong>g to the I-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple <strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>terpretation; that is, not <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g<br />

more than is necessary. Blutner also argues that the block<strong>in</strong>g of accommodation <strong>in</strong><br />

some cases can then be expla<strong>in</strong>ed as a consequence of the Q-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple, <strong>in</strong> that<br />

speakers should not say more than they can. A bidirectional perspective can then<br />

18 Horn uses the term the ‘the R-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple’ rather than ‘Q-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple’ but I will follow Atlas and<br />

Lev<strong>in</strong>son (1981) and Blutner (2000) and use the term ‘Q-pr<strong>in</strong>ciple’.<br />

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