Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Create successful ePaper yourself
Turn your PDF publications into a flip-book with our unique Google optimized e-Paper software.
Chapter 2<br />
reached. The mean<strong>in</strong>g of the sentence is then the effect it has had on the discourse<br />
representation.<br />
This section should have given the reader a good idea of how DRT works<br />
when resolv<strong>in</strong>g anaphors <strong>in</strong> extended discourse. The next section expla<strong>in</strong>s how<br />
DRT has been extended by van der Sandt (1992) to deal with presuppositions.<br />
2.3.2 The B<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g Theory<br />
The standard b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory is expla<strong>in</strong>ed most thoroughly <strong>in</strong> van der Sandt (1992)<br />
but was first presented <strong>in</strong> van der Sandt (1989) and van der Sandt & Geurts (1991).<br />
This theory argues that presuppositions and anaphors are the same k<strong>in</strong>ds of th<strong>in</strong>gs<br />
and the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory extends DRT <strong>in</strong> order to deal with presuppositions and<br />
anaphors at the level of representation <strong>in</strong> a similar way.<br />
By anaphors I mean pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphors and ellipse. Def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs have<br />
been treated as presupposition triggers <strong>in</strong> the previous sections. At the same time,<br />
def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs have long been considered to be anaphoric expressions, and<br />
additional confusion arises because often researchers have attributed them with a<br />
presuppositional aspect <strong>in</strong> addition to their anaphoric properties (see e.g. Heim<br />
1982, 1983). I will treat them as presuppositional expressions, and because the<br />
b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory analyzes presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong> the same way it analyzes<br />
anaphoric <strong>in</strong>formation, the analysis that results when they are bound will be the<br />
same as if they were considered to be anaphoric expressions.<br />
Can presuppositions be considered to behave like anaphors? As the<br />
follow<strong>in</strong>g examples seem to illustrate, we can f<strong>in</strong>d cases where the use of an<br />
anaphoric expression and the use of a presuppositional expression <strong>in</strong> the same<br />
position will have the same truth-conditions. In the four examples below, the asentences<br />
have an anaphoric expression that b<strong>in</strong>ds to an <strong>in</strong>tra-sentential antecedent,<br />
a pronoun <strong>in</strong> (41)a and (44)a, did plus a pronoun <strong>in</strong> (42)a and an ellipse <strong>in</strong> (43)a.<br />
The b-sentences are identical except that they each have a presuppositional<br />
expression <strong>in</strong> the same position, but the <strong>in</strong>duced presupposition does not project.<br />
(41) a. If Frank flirted with Mary, Mary’s husband noticed it.<br />
b. If Frank flirted with Mary, Mary’s husband noticed that Frank flirted with<br />
Mary.<br />
(42) a. If someone told our secret then it was Allison who did it.<br />
b. If someone told our secret then it was Allison who told our secret.<br />
(43) a. If Emar used to smoke then he quit ∅.<br />
24<br />
b. If Emar used to smoke then he quit smok<strong>in</strong>g.<br />
(44) a. There is not a K<strong>in</strong>g of France and he is not bald.<br />
b. There is not a K<strong>in</strong>g of France and the K<strong>in</strong>g of France is not bald.