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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 5<br />

perspective tells us how complex the resolution task was for a real discourse<br />

participant when <strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g a presuppositional expression.<br />

5.2.1 Hearer-new or hearer-known from the perspective of the speaker?<br />

Factives <strong>in</strong> the corpus were a trigger type that tended to <strong>in</strong>duce presuppositions<br />

that have to be accommodated. The factive examples were reexam<strong>in</strong>ed, pay<strong>in</strong>g<br />

particular attention to the context <strong>in</strong> which the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation was used<br />

and how hearers reacted. Each example was categorized accord<strong>in</strong>g to whether or<br />

not it seemed as if the speaker believed the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation was known to<br />

the hearer, maybe known to the hearer, maybe new to the hearer, or certa<strong>in</strong>ly new<br />

to the hearer, look<strong>in</strong>g for the k<strong>in</strong>d of evidence outl<strong>in</strong>ed above. The results are<br />

summarized <strong>in</strong> Table 7.<br />

112<br />

category known<br />

maybe<br />

known<br />

maybe<br />

new<br />

new<br />

number 15 (18%) 12 (15%) 7 (9%) 47 (58%)<br />

Table 7 <strong>in</strong>formation status from the perspective of the speaker <strong>in</strong> the corpus of the 81<br />

examples of accommodation<br />

The <strong>in</strong>terest<strong>in</strong>g result is that <strong>in</strong> 47 examples, mak<strong>in</strong>g up 58% of the entire sample,<br />

the speaker seems to believe that the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation is new to the hearer,<br />

while only <strong>in</strong> 9 examples is it fairly clear that the speaker believes the <strong>in</strong>formation is<br />

shared. Thus, the most frequent function of factive presuppositions <strong>in</strong> the corpus is<br />

to communicate hearer-new <strong>in</strong>formation.<br />

What did the evidence look like that suggested that speakers <strong>in</strong>tended to use<br />

presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation to communicate hearer-new <strong>in</strong>formation? One common<br />

clue was that the presupposition was foregrounded by be<strong>in</strong>g an essential part of a<br />

story the speaker was tell<strong>in</strong>g.<br />

(12) factive, triggered p: the tremendous number of claims aga<strong>in</strong>st the railway<br />

companies were people whose f<strong>in</strong>gers had been caught <strong>in</strong> doors (1-9 215 C)<br />

Speaker C: *when I* worked on the railways these many years ago .I was . work<strong>in</strong>g<br />

<strong>in</strong> the claims department . at Pretona Station Warm<strong>in</strong>gton as office boy<br />

for a short time - and . one NOTICED that the . tremendous number of<br />

claims aga<strong>in</strong>st the railway - companies were people whose . f<strong>in</strong>gers had<br />

been [sk] caught <strong>in</strong> doors as the porters had slammed them -.<br />

Speaker A: Really. Oh my *goodness.*<br />

In this example the speaker is tell<strong>in</strong>g a story and while some of the <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong><br />

the narration may be hearer-known, e.g. that Speaker C once worked for the<br />

railroad, the presupposition is the ma<strong>in</strong> po<strong>in</strong>t of the story and is clearly believed to<br />

be hearer-new. We also see from Speaker A’s reaction that the <strong>in</strong>formation was<br />

hearer-new. Length was mentioned above as clue to <strong>in</strong>formativeness. Here the<br />

complement of the factive that forms the basis of the presupposition is very long,<br />

and this would also seem to be evidence that it is unlikely that all the presupposed<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation could be known. Note also that because the presupposition is the ma<strong>in</strong>

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