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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Between B<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g and Accommodation<br />

<strong>in</strong>ferences <strong>in</strong>volve world knowledge and cannot be resolved solely by l<strong>in</strong>guistic or<br />

lexical means. The stopp<strong>in</strong>g rule refers to the requirement that hearers make a short,<br />

plausible bridge. Clark (1975, p. 419) gives the follow<strong>in</strong>g example of how the<br />

stopp<strong>in</strong>g rule works with a concurrence:<br />

(4) Alex went to a party last night. He’s go<strong>in</strong>g to get drunk aga<strong>in</strong> tonight.<br />

Here a bridge has to be built between the presupposition triggered by aga<strong>in</strong> and the<br />

previous context, i.e. the <strong>in</strong>duced presupposition that Alex got drunk at sometime<br />

previous to now. But there is no mention of an earlier dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g event with which<br />

this presupposition could b<strong>in</strong>d. Instead, <strong>in</strong>terpreters are argued to assume that the<br />

earlier dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g event was at the party last night. However, another explanation<br />

could be that after parties, where Alex generally resolves not to dr<strong>in</strong>k at all, he goes<br />

to cas<strong>in</strong>os where he gambles and loses, gets upset, and ends up dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g. This<br />

bridge is less plausible and certa<strong>in</strong>ly longer than just identify<strong>in</strong>g the earlier dr<strong>in</strong>k<strong>in</strong>g<br />

event as someth<strong>in</strong>g that happened at the party. Thus, the stopp<strong>in</strong>g rule is what<br />

compels the <strong>in</strong>terpreter to stop mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>ferences when a plausible bridge has been<br />

found. Clark also believes that “The listener assumes ... that the speaker <strong>in</strong>tended<br />

him to be able to compute a unique bridge from his previous knowledge to the<br />

<strong>in</strong>tended antecedent…”, (Clark, 1975, p. 420) and that “<strong>in</strong> natural discourse bridges<br />

are always determ<strong>in</strong>ate.”<br />

Given this very free <strong>in</strong>itial def<strong>in</strong>ition it is not surpris<strong>in</strong>g that later researchers<br />

have focused on different subgroups of the examples <strong>in</strong>troduced <strong>in</strong> Clark’s (1975)<br />

paper. But a consequence of this is that discussions of bridg<strong>in</strong>g are often<br />

<strong>in</strong>compatible because of large differences <strong>in</strong> the type of data analyzed. A key<br />

question to consider is whether or not these relationships make up a uniform group<br />

that can be successfully treated by the same or similar methods. Currently, many of<br />

the groups identified <strong>in</strong> Clark’s orig<strong>in</strong>al def<strong>in</strong>ition are generally treated by different<br />

methods, e.g. pronom<strong>in</strong>al reference, co-referential NPs with identical head nouns,<br />

abstract anaphoric reference and rhetorical relationships. This may be because they<br />

actually <strong>in</strong>volved very different relationships between the anaphoric expression and<br />

their antecedents and the discourse.<br />

6.1.1 Bridg<strong>in</strong>g and <strong>Presuppositions</strong><br />

Examples of bridg<strong>in</strong>g are found both with concrete and abstract presupposition<br />

triggers, as shown <strong>in</strong> Clark’s <strong>in</strong>ventory. However, the clearest cases of bridg<strong>in</strong>g are<br />

found among the def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs, and it is also here where most effort has been spent<br />

on f<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g systematic ways to resolve bridg<strong>in</strong>g NPs. Therefore, the rest of this<br />

chapter will concentrate on bridg<strong>in</strong>g relationships between the presuppositions<br />

triggered by def<strong>in</strong>ite NPs and the discourse context, and how these <strong>in</strong>duced<br />

presuppositions should be treated <strong>in</strong> the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory of presuppositions. I will<br />

also present corpus evidence that bridges are often not determ<strong>in</strong>ate, contrary to<br />

Clark’s account, and discuss implications for the analysis of such examples.<br />

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