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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 4<br />

This makes determ<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g resolution difficult. For the abstract objects there<br />

were no examples where the abstract antecedent was surface-identical with the<br />

presupposition-trigger<strong>in</strong>g expression, though examples where they were quite<br />

similar were given <strong>in</strong> the last section. But for many examples it is difficult to have a<br />

clear <strong>in</strong>tuition about how an <strong>in</strong>terpretation as b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g and an <strong>in</strong>terpretation as<br />

accommodation will affect the truth-conditional mean<strong>in</strong>g of the utterance. Because<br />

of this we have to look for other collaborat<strong>in</strong>g evidence that the <strong>in</strong>duced<br />

presupposition needs to be, or is perceived as, bound. These clues can be found <strong>in</strong><br />

the reaction of the discourse participants, or <strong>in</strong> the rhetorical or discourse effect<br />

that seems to be <strong>in</strong>tended.<br />

For some of the cases we also have to expla<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong> part why a speaker would<br />

choose to use a bound presupposition. Given that we generally expect speakers to<br />

use shorter anaphoric expressions if the mean<strong>in</strong>g will be the same, it follows from<br />

the Gricean maxim of quantity that speakers don’t need to say more than is<br />

necessary. We need an explanation, therefore, for why speakers would choose to<br />

use presuppositional expression if an anaphoric expression was possible.<br />

In the follow<strong>in</strong>g sections I will first present evidence where presuppositions<br />

have functional traits similar to anaphoric counterparts, and then show additional<br />

examples which illustrate that bound presuppositions are functionally more<br />

versatile <strong>in</strong> their different roles, be<strong>in</strong>g more precise and clearer than their anaphoric<br />

counterparts. This also gives us an explanation of why speakers would choose to<br />

use bound presuppositions even if they could have used an anaphoric expression.<br />

This should be evidence that bound presuppositions and anaphor are of the same<br />

k<strong>in</strong>d, but they are also different <strong>in</strong> that presuppositions have more utility, an ability<br />

that stems from their additional descriptive content.<br />

4.3.1 Bound presuppositions make more precise references to abstract<br />

objects<br />

Do <strong>in</strong>duced presuppositions of abstract objects behave or function <strong>in</strong> a similar way<br />

to anaphoric expressions that refer to abstract objects? If the answer to this<br />

question is yes then we can say that we have found additional evidence to consider<br />

presuppositions and anaphors to be of the same k<strong>in</strong>d. But <strong>in</strong> order to fully<br />

understand if this analogy is an accurate one, we need to look at some examples of<br />

abstract object anaphors <strong>in</strong> the corpus to see how they behave. I’ll first present two<br />

examples from an additional excerption done on the LLC corpus of abstract object<br />

anaphors that appeared as the complement of factive verbs. Abstract anaphors also<br />

appear <strong>in</strong> other segments <strong>in</strong> different environments and I’ll discuss these as well.<br />

After this data is presented, I’ll give several examples of <strong>in</strong>duced presuppositions<br />

that have similar, but additional functions. 9<br />

In the follow<strong>in</strong>g example the abstract object anaphor refers to a portion of<br />

the <strong>in</strong>formation contributed by the previous utterances.<br />

9 Some of this work was first presented <strong>in</strong> Spenader (2001c).<br />

76

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