Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
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Anaphors and Bound <strong>Presuppositions</strong><br />
contrast, or alternatively strengthens a feel<strong>in</strong>g of parallelism between the<br />
presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation and its potential antecedent. I also believe that speakers<br />
<strong>in</strong>tend for this effect to be a part of their message. In many of these cases, if the<br />
hearer did not perceive a relationship between the presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation and<br />
the potential antecedent, then he has misunderstood the <strong>in</strong>tended effect of the<br />
speaker’s utterance. Consider the follow<strong>in</strong>g example of an it-cleft presupposition.<br />
(18) it-cleft, triggered p: "Someone said I wanted to sell out" (1-13 855)<br />
Speaker A: James, it was no good. You didn‘t tell me to sell out antecedent, it was I who<br />
said I wanted to sell out.<br />
The presupposed material is reported <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong> the scope of the verb of<br />
reported speech said, which creates an embedded context. This report is <strong>in</strong> turn<br />
itself an expression of the propositional attitude want, with the proposition be<strong>in</strong>g<br />
the speaker sell<strong>in</strong>g out. This creates another level of embedd<strong>in</strong>g. Intuitively, “You<br />
didn’t tell me to sell out” is the antecedent, but the only <strong>in</strong>formation they share is<br />
the proposition which is the complement of the parenthetical verb tell <strong>in</strong> the<br />
potential antecedent, that is, that the speaker was to sell out. The speaker is<br />
assert<strong>in</strong>g that it was she and not James who <strong>in</strong>stigated her ‘sell<strong>in</strong>g out’ event with a<br />
contrast be<strong>in</strong>g made between the speaker be<strong>in</strong>g told and the speaker say<strong>in</strong>g she wanted<br />
to herself. Both these events will generally lead to the same result if all goes well,<br />
that is sell<strong>in</strong>g out, so there is a semantic similarity <strong>in</strong> the <strong>in</strong>formation contributed.<br />
Why should these two utterances be considered to be <strong>in</strong> an anaphoric<br />
relationship? First notice how the second utterance functions as a correction to the<br />
speakers first utterance, po<strong>in</strong>t<strong>in</strong>g out what she perceives James to have mistakenly<br />
believed. There is also a clear parallelism between the two utterances <strong>in</strong> the choice<br />
of expressions. Not see<strong>in</strong>g this relationship would miss the speaker’s <strong>in</strong>tention <strong>in</strong><br />
say<strong>in</strong>g the antecedent – if we don’t perceive the relationship here we have no clear<br />
understand<strong>in</strong>g of how the two utterances hang together, and we will have trouble<br />
<strong>in</strong>terpret<strong>in</strong>g one as a correction for the other. Note that it is difficult to p<strong>in</strong>po<strong>in</strong>t<br />
what truth-conditional difference would be the result of not recogniz<strong>in</strong>g this as an<br />
anaphoric relationship, i.e. if the presupposed material was accommodated, how<br />
would the truth-conditions differ from it be<strong>in</strong>g bound? But because of so many<br />
other factors, I th<strong>in</strong>k the utterances are clearly perceived of as be<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> a type of<br />
dependent relationship that could be considered anaphoric. Note also that <strong>in</strong> (18)<br />
the presupposition could be simplified by replac<strong>in</strong>g some of the <strong>in</strong>formation by an<br />
ellipse so that it reads “It was I who said I wanted to ∅.” This would have the<br />
effect of contribut<strong>in</strong>g the same semantic <strong>in</strong>formation, but the speaker’s message<br />
would lose the contrast<strong>in</strong>g effect if the expression ‘sell out’ is not repeated. So by<br />
us<strong>in</strong>g a full presuppositional expression the speaker is able to emphasize the<br />
contrastive relationship <strong>in</strong> a way that an anaphoric alternative could not.<br />
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