Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse
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Abstract<br />
Naturally produced examples of presuppositions <strong>in</strong> the London-Lund Corpus of <strong>Spoken</strong><br />
English are analyzed us<strong>in</strong>g the b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g theory of presupposition (van der Sandt 1992),<br />
which treats presupposed and anaphoric <strong>in</strong>formation <strong>in</strong> the same way. Presupposed<br />
<strong>in</strong>formation is either bound to a discourse-given antecedent for its <strong>in</strong>terpretation or<br />
creates its own antecedent via accommodation.<br />
The corpus data suggests that bound presuppositional expressions are used and<br />
perceived similarly to discourse anaphors. Additionally, due to their richer descriptive<br />
content, presuppositional expressions referr<strong>in</strong>g to abstract objects can fulfill more<br />
discourse functions than their anaphoric alternatives, contribut<strong>in</strong>g rhetorical effect,<br />
referr<strong>in</strong>g more precisely to discourse-given <strong>in</strong>formation, mak<strong>in</strong>g conclusions explicit, and<br />
serv<strong>in</strong>g a summariz<strong>in</strong>g function. These results lend further support to the treatment of<br />
presupposed <strong>in</strong>formation as anaphoric and confirm the need for a b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g analogy to<br />
expla<strong>in</strong> their usage <strong>in</strong> extended discourse.<br />
The corpus data also conta<strong>in</strong>s naturally produced examples of presupposition<br />
accommodation, which provides an empirical base for the discussion of several<br />
theoretical proposals related to the phenomena. Factive presuppositions are<br />
overwhelm<strong>in</strong>gly used to communicate <strong>in</strong>formation believed to be hearer-new. Previous<br />
accounts of what licenses accommodation cannot be applied satisfactorily across the<br />
board, and the data does not entirely confirm the proposed preference for higher levels of<br />
accommodation. Based on the data, it is <strong>in</strong>stead proposed that preferences for<br />
accommodation at a certa<strong>in</strong> level may be dependent on embedd<strong>in</strong>g and trigger type.<br />
F<strong>in</strong>ally, presuppositions strongly related to the context but still new cannot easily<br />
be analyzed as b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g or accommodation. Typical cases are so-called bridg<strong>in</strong>g NPs,<br />
which are normally treated as dependent for their <strong>in</strong>terpretation on a unique anchor.<br />
However, as the corpus data shows, multiple anchors may be available. Also, consistently<br />
apply<strong>in</strong>g current def<strong>in</strong>itions of bridg<strong>in</strong>g to examples with<strong>in</strong> a rich context generates too<br />
many bridg<strong>in</strong>g relationships relative to <strong>in</strong>terpreters’ <strong>in</strong>tuitions. I suggest treat<strong>in</strong>g such<br />
cases as licensed by the context rather than by a s<strong>in</strong>gle anchor, and furthermore,<br />
consider<strong>in</strong>g as bridg<strong>in</strong>g NPs only those that 1) <strong>in</strong>troduce a new <strong>in</strong>dividual <strong>in</strong> the discourse<br />
2) are related to the context through some type of <strong>in</strong>ference and 3) are marked as<br />
anaphoric. The result is a more homogeneous group treatable by a s<strong>in</strong>gle method and is<br />
more motivated on semantic grounds.<br />
Key words: presuppositions, anaphors, spoken discourse, corpus study, b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g,<br />
accommodation