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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Chapter 6<br />

Both annotators categorized B:[this part] as related to A:.[the ghost]. First, from the<br />

example (which isn’t shown <strong>in</strong> its entirety) we can see that there could have been<br />

several other relationships that might have been considered possible anchors (e.g.<br />

Hamlet, as <strong>in</strong> the part <strong>in</strong> the play), but let us treat the example as if the l<strong>in</strong>guistic<br />

expression identified as the source of the anchor by both annotators is the best<br />

possible anchor.<br />

What k<strong>in</strong>d of relationship is between A:[the ghost] and B:[this part] ? It isn’t<br />

a standard lexical relationship that you would f<strong>in</strong>d coded <strong>in</strong> e.g. WorldNet. It<br />

<strong>in</strong>volves either encyclopedic knowledge that there is a character of a ghost <strong>in</strong><br />

Hamlet, or knowledge that Hamlet is a play, the ghost appears <strong>in</strong> the play, so the<br />

ghost is either an actor or the role played by an actor. In the former case it is a coreference<br />

relationship, but not <strong>in</strong> the latter. The resolution seems simple but is<br />

quite difficult to describe (see also example 1, NP A:[your place]). Both are played,<br />

and the fact that both are objects of the verb play <strong>in</strong> the dialogue probably also<br />

plays a role <strong>in</strong> understand<strong>in</strong>g the l<strong>in</strong>k.<br />

World knowledge, <strong>in</strong> the form of familiarity with the characters <strong>in</strong> Hamlet<br />

could also help an <strong>in</strong>terpreter understand the multiple l<strong>in</strong>ks between the same<br />

anchors and bridg<strong>in</strong>g anaphor.<br />

We can also ask if there is a k<strong>in</strong>d of coherence relationship that could be<br />

identified here that would support a resolution of the type proposed by Asher &<br />

Lascarides? For example, the speaker is admitt<strong>in</strong>g that he doesn’t have an<br />

explanation for the question posed by Interviewer B, about why the ghost appears<br />

<strong>in</strong> the closet scene. The proposition Now now this (=why the ghost appears <strong>in</strong> the closet<br />

scene) is someth<strong>in</strong>g I couldn’t understand) is rhetorically related by some k<strong>in</strong>d of<br />

contrastive, to the utterance that follows it, e.g. I had to play this part. Resolv<strong>in</strong>g this<br />

part to the ghost is necessary for mak<strong>in</strong>g sense of the relationship between the two<br />

propositions.<br />

These different methods by which to identify the relationship are probably<br />

necessary to add redundancy to the message. Every <strong>in</strong>terpreter may not have access<br />

to all the <strong>in</strong>formation necessary to recognize all the possible reasons for identify<strong>in</strong>g<br />

the l<strong>in</strong>k at the time that a bridg<strong>in</strong>g anaphor is used. Many examples also illustrate<br />

that different <strong>in</strong>terpreters rely on different <strong>in</strong>formation sources to make a l<strong>in</strong>k <strong>in</strong><br />

order to identify an anchor. This is most obvious <strong>in</strong> examples where the<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation available to the annotator and the discourse participants is clearly<br />

different. The example below is taken from the very beg<strong>in</strong>n<strong>in</strong>g of an <strong>in</strong>terview,<br />

where the <strong>in</strong>terviewer is ask<strong>in</strong>g the potential student about the time that she will<br />

have available for study:<br />

(20) (3-1b 592)<br />

Speaker -a [@] and what about A:[your little girl] -~|<br />

Clearly, as the speaker is <strong>in</strong>troduc<strong>in</strong>g the <strong>in</strong>dividual referred to, he already knows<br />

about her existence, and at least one other discourse participant knows the referent<br />

to this NP (the addressee is her mother!) but the <strong>in</strong>dividual is new to the annotator,<br />

174

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