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Presuppositions in Spoken Discourse

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Accommodation and Presupposition<br />

more moderate <strong>in</strong> that they accommodate felicitously but they are also used with a<br />

b<strong>in</strong>d<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>terpretation a good deal of the time. There is a dist<strong>in</strong>ction between be<strong>in</strong>g<br />

able to accommodate felicitously, and the tendency to be used with discourse-new<br />

<strong>in</strong>formation that will need to be accommodated by the hearer. For now, I will<br />

concentrate the discussion on the more extreme cases, triggers or anaphoric<br />

expressions that either show both qualities, such as the accommodat<strong>in</strong>g triggers, or<br />

lack both qualities, such as pronouns and non-accommodat<strong>in</strong>g triggers. If we can<br />

f<strong>in</strong>d a plausible account for the behavior of these triggers then we should be able to<br />

later account for the mixed behavior of the rema<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g triggers more easily. Then we<br />

should also be able to make a clearer dist<strong>in</strong>ction between ease of accommodation<br />

and tendency to be used with a resolution that requires accommodation.<br />

Below I discuss the two major proposals <strong>in</strong> the literature, the descriptive<br />

content explanation of van der Sandt (1992) followed by and the lack of<br />

alternatives explanation of Blutner (2000) and Zeevat (1999, to appear) <strong>in</strong> relation<br />

to each of these groups, consider<strong>in</strong>g both the theoretical observations and the<br />

tendencies <strong>in</strong> the corpus data. Neither of these explanations can account for all the<br />

data <strong>in</strong> a satisfy<strong>in</strong>g way . Miss<strong>in</strong>g from both explanations is a discussion of the role<br />

of context, and the relationship the presupposition has to the context and I’ll relate<br />

this ideda briefly <strong>in</strong> relation to the corpus data.<br />

5.3.1 Descriptive content licenses accommodation<br />

Van der Sandt (1992) claims that descriptive content makes accommodation<br />

possible. He discusses how presuppositions differ from pronom<strong>in</strong>al anaphors <strong>in</strong><br />

that “unlike pronouns they conta<strong>in</strong> descriptive content which enable them to<br />

accommodate an antecedent <strong>in</strong> case the discourse does not provide one” (p. 344).<br />

Look at the follow<strong>in</strong>g example. 8<br />

(20) a. [ x : ]<br />

b. [ x : content(x) ]<br />

(20)a represents the generic form of a pronoun <strong>in</strong> a DRS. It needs to be identified<br />

with another reference marker already <strong>in</strong> the discourse record <strong>in</strong> order to get an<br />

<strong>in</strong>terpretation. This given reference marker will already have some sort of<br />

descriptive content associated with it, e.g. there will be someth<strong>in</strong>g like [ y :<br />

content(y)]] already <strong>in</strong> the DRS. A presupposition, on the other hand, already has a<br />

form like (20)b. Because it has its own descriptive content, it can create its own<br />

antecedent with which to b<strong>in</strong>d if the discourse record doesn’t provide one.<br />

This is admittedly a simplification of the actual situation. Pronouns often do<br />

contribute some descriptive content, though it is admittedly not very much. For<br />

example, the pronoun she contributes the descriptive content that its referent is<br />

female and the pronoun these contributes the descriptive content that its referent is<br />

plural. The pronoun she therefore contributes the same descriptive content as the<br />

8 This is a simplification of example 44’ given <strong>in</strong> van der Sandt (1992, p. 359).<br />

119

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