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Kerala 2005 - of Planning Commission

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18<br />

was also a compelling internal dynamics that contributed<br />

to the political acceptability and commitment to the task<br />

<strong>of</strong> decentralisation. In Section 3.1, we noted that up<br />

to the late 1980s, there was a situation <strong>of</strong> economic<br />

‘crisis’ in <strong>Kerala</strong>’s development process due to the<br />

poor performance in the commodity producing sectors.<br />

Over the greater part <strong>of</strong> the 1990s, however, with a<br />

‘turnaround’ in economic growth, the prevailing mood<br />

among analysts and observers <strong>of</strong> <strong>Kerala</strong>’s development<br />

was somewhat mixed, if not <strong>of</strong> ‘despondency and<br />

despair’ 22 though the problem <strong>of</strong> unemployment, in<br />

particular educated unemployment, continued to loom<br />

large. The focus <strong>of</strong> discussion in the International<br />

Congress on <strong>Kerala</strong> Studies held in 1994, for instance,<br />

turned out to be on “the contemporary crisis and the<br />

possible solutions rather than on the much acclaimed<br />

achievements <strong>of</strong> the past.” 23 The expectation was that<br />

the spectacular achievements in social development<br />

would, and should, lead to much higher levels <strong>of</strong><br />

economic development and greater inclusiveness than<br />

that achieved so far.<br />

Decentralisation, implying governance closer to the<br />

people and hence more responsive, was seen, if not<br />

as a panacea for all ills, as a way out <strong>of</strong> this logjam.<br />

It was expected to facilitate local-level development<br />

by mobilising both people and resources to strengthen<br />

the productive base, especially in the primary sector by<br />

creating and maintaining public and collective goods,<br />

such as in land and water management and agricultural<br />

extension. In fact, the urge for decentralisation went<br />

beyond this. The aim was the establishment and<br />

institutionalisation <strong>of</strong> local self-Governments and<br />

<strong>Kerala</strong>'s attempt at a participatory, systematic and<br />

transparent process <strong>of</strong> decentralised planning has been<br />

hailed as another <strong>of</strong> its unique achievements (discussed<br />

in greater detail in Chapter 9).<br />

4. Concluding Observations<br />

This chapter has attempted a synoptic review <strong>of</strong><br />

<strong>Kerala</strong>’s development experience, specifically the<br />

historical underpinnings <strong>of</strong> its human development<br />

achievements, in which the role <strong>of</strong> public action both<br />

for the people by the State and by the public for itself<br />

played an important role in furthering its achievements.<br />

The phase <strong>of</strong> ‘human development lopsidedness’<br />

in the State continued for over a decade, causing<br />

considerable concern and generated a wide debate on<br />

the sustainability <strong>of</strong> the <strong>Kerala</strong> ‘model’ <strong>of</strong> development.<br />

A quantum increase in emigration since the latter half<br />

<strong>of</strong> 1970s, especially to the Gulf countries, muted the<br />

intensity <strong>of</strong> the economic ‘crisis’. However, the fact<br />

that the economy did not spiral downwards in terms<br />

<strong>of</strong> human development indicators but experienced<br />

a ‘turnaround’ in economic growth in the late 1980s<br />

in all sectors, but more specifically the service sector,<br />

injected a fresh look at the development experience.<br />

It encouraged us to hypothesise about the possibility <strong>of</strong><br />

an emerging ‘virtuous’ cycle <strong>of</strong> growth in which early<br />

achievements in human development, people seeking<br />

work in labour markets outside <strong>Kerala</strong>, and remittancedriven<br />

growth in consumer demand resulting in<br />

service sector growth, appeared to be closely linked.<br />

The persistence <strong>of</strong> unemployment, in particular<br />

educated unemployment, is perhaps the most serious<br />

form <strong>of</strong> capability failure and is much more ‘open’ in the<br />

specific context <strong>of</strong> a literate/educated <strong>Kerala</strong>. That the<br />

revival process too, expected to equip the unemployed<br />

to seize employment opportunities anywhere, should be<br />

participatory in nature was resolved by the converging<br />

<strong>of</strong> intensive rethinking on questions <strong>of</strong> governance<br />

which would yield better development outcomes. The<br />

expectations from decentralisation, which would bring<br />

the Government closer to the people and hence be more<br />

responsive, transparent and delivery-oriented, were<br />

very high. The Constitutional Amendments in 1993<br />

facilitated the shift towards decentralised governance<br />

and <strong>Kerala</strong> is one <strong>of</strong> the few States that embarked on<br />

this process seriously. Subsequent chapters take up<br />

each <strong>of</strong> these issues in more depth.<br />

22 For example, Tharamangalam (1998).<br />

23 Isaac and Tharakan (1995).

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