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GEO Brasil - UNEP

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Seroa da Motta (2002) deals with this matter by making<br />

evaluations on pollution and the use of natural resources<br />

associated to consumption patterns related to different<br />

classes of income groups. To achieve these conclusions,<br />

he based his studies on coefficients of industrial pollution<br />

intensity (organic material, inorganic, particle and sulfuric<br />

related materials), use of fertilisers in agriculture, vehicle<br />

gases in urban transport (CO, HC and NO 2<br />

), domestic use<br />

of water and generation of domestic sewage. These<br />

coefficients are applied in domestic use, related to the 1995-<br />

1996 period, of ten income class groups varying from the<br />

lowest one, from 0 to 2 minimum wages, up to the highest<br />

one with domestic income over 30 minimum wages. The<br />

results achieved permit us to show the conflict between<br />

equity and environmental control and suggest relevant<br />

political matters.<br />

Table 1 shows that in 1995 the rate of 10% of the highest<br />

income group to the 50% poor homes in Brazil was 2:6.<br />

This difference provides us with a clear picture of the<br />

dimension of income concentration in Brazil where 10% of<br />

the richer homes retain almost three times higher than the<br />

poorest 50%.<br />

Seroa da Motta (2002), based on pollution estimate of charge<br />

as described in the table for each income class group, also<br />

determines the same rate of inequality for each type of<br />

pollutant. These results, also shown in the table, tell us the<br />

following:<br />

a) in the case of pollution produced at the same rate as<br />

the population, the degradation concentration rate<br />

would be 0:2, so the estimated rates indicating figures<br />

much above this rate show a certain difference. As far<br />

as pollution is concerned, this rate remains between<br />

1:0 and 2:3. However, the rate is found to be much<br />

higher in industrial consumption and transportation,<br />

where effect-income and effect-technology are higher<br />

than in the use of fertilisers;<br />

b) in cases of domestic use of untreated water and<br />

production of non-collected sewage, the rate between<br />

the rich and the poor is only 0:2 and 0:1, respectively.<br />

This is justified by fewer sanitation means in the poorest<br />

population levels and because water demand is less<br />

flexible in relation to income. This means that, when<br />

we deal with pollution directly affecting people, the<br />

concentration is less unequal. If we consider that the<br />

poor have less income power to defend themselves<br />

from disease, this difference becomes even more<br />

significant;<br />

c) although pollution production is quite concentrated,<br />

its concentration estimates are always less than<br />

income. The rich are able to save part of their income<br />

and are than able to consume a smaller part and acquire<br />

lesser polluting goods (for example, cars) and live in<br />

more adequate sanitation areas; and<br />

d) due to this income concentration and the pollution of<br />

the rich, an environmental control policy could also<br />

concentrate on the same. Even more so pollution<br />

charges could be stipulated, according to the pollutant/<br />

consumer payment principle. Although this occurs as<br />

the loss of efficiency, considerable control levels could<br />

be reached and could even exempt the poorest<br />

population and concentrate on the richest.<br />

It is quite difficult to make an analysis of well being through<br />

a comparison of negative effects of degradation and positive<br />

control for each income group. The previously described<br />

study only reveals the significance of the equity matter in<br />

environmental control policy. The balance between<br />

environmental subjects, economic efficiency and equity<br />

remain a crucial challenge, for sustainability.<br />

anexo 2<br />

383

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