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as an entrepreneurial city. The question is whether this also applies to Dordrecht, Enschede, and<br />

’s-Hertogenbosch. This is investigated by consulting the main policy documents of the casestudy<br />

cities as well using information derived from the interviews with the key actors involved in<br />

the redevelopment projects (see Section 5.3.1 and Appendix A). Abbreviations and explanations<br />

regarding the organisations mentioned in the text can be found in the glossary at the end of the<br />

thesis.<br />

6.2 Rotterdam<br />

Rotterdam is the second-largest city in the Netherlands with 588,697 inhabitants (on 01-01-2006,<br />

Marlet & Van Woerkens, 2007). At the outbreak of the Second World War, a bombardment<br />

and the ensuring fires destroyed the historic core of the city centre. After the war, the city was<br />

reconstructed, and Rotterdam was given a modern core unlike that of any other old city in the<br />

country. For two decades, the main urban task was the reconstruction of the city centre (Aarts,<br />

1995; Berggren, 1997). The main policy document was the so-called Basisplan (Basisplan voor de<br />

Wederopbouw van Rotterdam), set up by urban planner Cornelis van Traa in 1946. The plan long<br />

served as the main policy document directing the urban development of the city. However, new<br />

plans have appeared in recent decades such as the 1985 Binnenstadsplan, which triggered the<br />

redevelopment of a number of <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s in the city centre. Table 6.1 outlines the different<br />

policies related to <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> that have been formulated since the Second World War and the<br />

resulting changes.<br />

6.2.1 Policy and structure in Rotterdam<br />

The 1946 Basisplan was mostly focused on rebuilding the centre of Rotterdam and strengthening<br />

the port function of the city. In line with the prevalent modernist thoughts of the CIAM<br />

(Section 2.5), the planners aimed to create a functional city by directing housing to the city’s edge<br />

and work-related functions to the city centre. This concentration and separation of functions<br />

was possible because the local government had expropriated all the damaged parts of the city<br />

centre after the bombardment (Berggren, 1997). The reconstruction of the centre and port area<br />

was so successful that employment rates increased swiftly, attracting many workers to the city.<br />

To combat the subsequent housing shortage, the city improved its infrastructure and constructed<br />

new neighbourhoods at the city’s edge in the 1950s and 1960s. Housing in the city centre was<br />

still scarce, though some was built (such as the mixed retail and housing complex Lijnbaan built<br />

in the 1950s, see below). The attention for <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> was limited in the period immediately<br />

after the war, because the built environment first had to be reconstructed before the <strong>space</strong>s<br />

in-between could be improved (Goossens et al., 1995). Again, there were some exceptions such as<br />

the development of the Schouwburgplein and the train station square (Stationsplein) in front of<br />

the Central Station.<br />

Table 6.1 shows that the 1946 Basisplan has long been the main policy document underlying<br />

urban (re)development projects in the city. This does not imply that the plan did not evolve; the<br />

Basisplan was rather a chameleon in which new insights were inserted (Aarts, 1995). At the end<br />

of the 1970s, the port flourished as never before but the advancement of technology had led to<br />

less rather than more employment. A more mixed economy was required with culture, retail, and<br />

housing as important functions of the city centre. The government realised it needed a new policy<br />

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