Changing public space
Changing public space
Changing public space
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3 Current trends in the design and<br />
management of <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong><br />
Based on: Van Melik, R., I. Van Aalst and J. Van Weesep (2007), Fear and fantasy in the<br />
<strong>public</strong> domain: The development of secured and themed urban <strong>space</strong>. Journal of Urban<br />
Design, 12(1), pp. 25-42.<br />
3.1 Introduction<br />
Chapter 2 has shown that changes in <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> reflect changes in society. Although the built<br />
environment cannot always keep pace with its users’ changing characteristics and demands, it<br />
will eventually adjust to societal changes (Van Aalst & Ennen, 2002). Researchers from the<br />
Netherlands Institute for Spatial Research (RPB, 2004) also state that societal changes ought<br />
to form the point of departure to interpret urban <strong>space</strong>. To understand the increasing number of<br />
redeveloped <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s, it is thus necessary to look at changes that currently occur in society.<br />
The twofold research question central in this chapter is therefore: What are the current trends<br />
in the design and management of Dutch <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>? Which socio-cultural, economic, and political<br />
dynamics have induced these trends?<br />
The previous chapter described the different functions and designs city squares have held<br />
throughout the centuries. The central line of thought in this historic description was the notion<br />
of city squares as reflections of an evolving society. This argumentation can also be extended into<br />
the future, since current and forthcoming societal developments will also leave their imprints<br />
on <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>. As described in the previous chapter, major investments have already been<br />
made to reinvigorate dilapidated <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s by banning cars, laying new pavements, installing<br />
street furniture, and so on. Each of these redesigned projects seemed to be inspired by two<br />
considerations. Either it created secured <strong>space</strong>, taking steps to increase safety and reduce feelings<br />
of fear, or it induced themed <strong>space</strong>, focusing on urban entertainment and fantasy. On the one<br />
hand, a rising anxiety about crime induced people to avoid the <strong>public</strong> domain of the city and<br />
retreat into the private sphere (Montgomery, 1997; Banerjee, 2001; Ellin, 2001). Yet the appeal<br />
of urban entertainment also grew, inducing people to indulge in fantasy and new experiences<br />
outside the home (Pine & Gilmore, 1999). The design and management of <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> seems<br />
to be responding to these two trends. However, the ecology of fear (Davis, 1998) and the ecology<br />
of fantasy (Crawford, 1990) are not separate realms. Rather, they are two aspects of the same<br />
tendency towards greater control over <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>. This argument is elaborated in Section 3.4.<br />
The terms fear and fantasy might seem value-laden. Fear suggests a negative perception of<br />
certain places, while fantasy has predominantly positive connotations. However, they are used in<br />
a neutral sense here; secured and themed <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s are neither negative nor positive spatial<br />
developments. For instance, themed events in <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> might create a lively atmosphere,<br />
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