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1 <strong>Changing</strong> role of <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong><br />

in a changing society<br />

The time may soon come when planners, designers, developers, and others will recognize and<br />

act on the simple notion that the <strong>space</strong>s between buildings are as important to the life of urban<br />

man as the buildings themselves. Chermayeff & Alexander (1963, in: Ford, 2000: viii)<br />

1.1 Introduction<br />

Public <strong>space</strong>s like streets, squares, and parks are important structuring elements of the urban<br />

landscape. They are places for unexpected encounters and <strong>public</strong> discourse as well as for<br />

relaxation and passage (Carr et al., 1992; Cybriwsky, 1999; Madanipour, 2003). Urban <strong>public</strong><br />

<strong>space</strong> forms an integral part of daily life: people walk or ride through the streets, lounge in the<br />

parks, and shop at the market. Moreover, particular <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s have played a fundamental role<br />

in the way civil society has functioned throughout history: from the ancient Greek agora and<br />

the medieval market place to Renaissance boulevards and today’s pedestrian precincts and parks.<br />

Some even argue that urban development would be impossible without <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>, because it<br />

is the exchange platform of goods, knowledge, culture, and entertainment (Meyer et al., 2006).<br />

After a period of relative complacency, Dutch policymakers have recently been giving <strong>public</strong><br />

<strong>space</strong> increasing attention. In the 1970s and early 1980s, they showed little interest in urban<br />

<strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>, focusing instead on the poor economic performance and high unemployment rates<br />

in cities (Brunt & Deben, 2001). Any attention directed to <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> concerned residential<br />

neighbourhoods in suburban areas. When the economy picked up, however, interest shifted<br />

to the quality of <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> in the city centre. This was first manifest in the Fourth National<br />

Policy Document on Spatial Planning (Vierde Nota Ruimtelijke Ordening), which appeared in<br />

1988. Soon thereafter, the local government of The Hague announced its intention to completely<br />

redevelop the city centre in an urban policy plan named ‘Healthy Core’ (Kern Gezond). By<br />

setting an example, the plan induced the redevelopment of many <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s in other Dutch<br />

city centres (Reijndorp & Nio, 1996). Meanwhile, most urban <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> has been upgraded<br />

and now serves as distinguishing feature in the growing competition between cities to attract<br />

investments, residents, and visitors. A similar change has been observed in other European cities,<br />

with Barcelona and Paris as the main trendsetters (Hajer & Reijndorp, 2001; Gaventa, 2006).<br />

Fuelled by the increased policy output, <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> became a hot topic in the Dutch media<br />

and on research agendas. The media attention varied from running special newspaper reports on<br />

city squares (NRC, 2006) to holding opinion polls on the country’s best <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s (Engels,<br />

2006; Stedelijk Interieur, 2007.) Recently, a Dutch newspaper commissioned a panel of experts<br />

to formulate solutions to the main spatial problems of the Netherlands. On top of the panel’s<br />

so-called Spatial Agenda was the recommendation to put more effort in high-grade <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong><br />

15

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