Changing public space

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3.4 Social dynamics and spatial change in public space The previous two sections have characterised the development of secured and themed public space. Crucially, these are not separate and opposite trends, but two manifestations of the same tendency towards greater control and predictability of activities in public space. The connectivity between their associated dimensions of fear and fantasy has been demonstrated in earlier research. According to De Cauter (1998), the ecologies of fear and fantasy create artificial biotopes that efficiently supplant normal ‘everyday’ experiences. Tiesdell and Oc describe the linkage as a chicken-and-egg question: “… to be perceived as safe, the public realm must be animated; to be animated, the public realm must be perceived to be safe …” (Tiesdell & Oc, 1998: 652). Graham and Marvin (2001: 220) refer to ‘spaces of safety and seduction’ and argue that they are being bundled together with advanced and highly capable premium networked infrastructure such as ‘quasi-private’ streets, malls, and skywalks. Ellin (2001) explains the connectivity in terms of a paradigm shift from binary logic to complementary ecological models. In such models, a pair of percepts is not considered oppositional; one member entails the other. By extension, it is not a question of good or bad, safety or danger, pleasure or pain; there is fear but also fantasy, adventure and excitement (Ellin, 2001: 879). According to Boutellier: Vitality and safety are two sides of the same coin: a liberal culture that has elevated selfdevelopment to an art of living, must at the same time determine and maintain the edges of individual freedom. A vital society generates a large desire for safety and thus comes across a notorious paradox: in order to celebrate liberal freedom, this freedom needs to be limited…. (Boutellier, 2002: 3, translation from Dutch by the author) In turn, sociologist Zukin has coined the expression pacification by cappuccino to refer to public spaces that had become virtual war zones being recaptured by the middle class at the expense of other users such as vagrants (Zukin, 1995: 28). This process combines more control with the provision of amenities. Indeed, the ground for Zukin’s metaphor is the proliferation of coffee kiosks where upwardly mobile people can get their ‘daily dose of latte’ (Zukin, 1995). Secured and themed public space is thus a single concept with two-dimensions, as both kinds of spatial change are manifestations of the same social dynamics or trends. Public spaces are not solely the products of planners and architects but are – as sociologist Henri Lefebvre (1990) argues – produced by and within a society. Other sociologists, from Weber to Giddens, also believe that cities, and thus urban life, can only be understood in relation to the wider societal context (Urry, 2001). A Dutch review of such societal trends classifies the relevant shifts as economic, socio-cultural, and political dynamics (Asbeek Brusse et al., 2002), as is shown in Figure 3.3. The economic changes take place at the production side as well as in consumption. These feed into the secular socio-cultural trends of individualisation and differentiation of life styles. With regard to political changes, Asbeek Brusse et al. emphasise that the redefinition of the welfare state is accompanied by a rearrangement of the roles of the public and the private sectors. These economic, socio-cultural, and political dynamics (upper part of Figure 3.3) have strong spatial effects (lower part of Figure 3.3). Public space plays an increasingly important role in lifestyles. The heightened awareness of risk and safety is often translated into a design based on selective access and control of space. Such controls emphasise the new forms of supervision and regulation necessitated by the withdrawal of government from direct management of public space. The provision of facilities and the organisation of activities that fit the fantasy dimension 56
Dynamics in production structures Dynamics in consumption patterns Spatial effects of dynamics in production structures Spatial effects of dynamics in consumption patterns More divers demands on design and use Revival of local identities, but also detachment of cultural place and characteristics Focus on risk and safety: control and selective access Figure 3.3 Dynamics in production structures and consumption patterns and their spatial effects. Source: after Asbeek Brusse et al. (2002, translation from Dutch by the author) 7092 – in conjunction with the direct surveillance and hard edges of the design in the fear dimension – promote the desired selectivity of the users by encouraging the patronage of some and discouraging the use by others. In the following sections, the dynamics and their spatial effects are described in more depth. 3.4.1 Socio-cultural dynamics Since World War II, the amount of public space designed to meet the needs of an increasingly stratified and specialised public life has multiplied (Carr et al., 1992). Two secular trends, 57
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Changing public space The recent re
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Changing public space
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Netherlands Geographical Studies 37
Page 7 and 8: Contents Figures 9 Tables 11 Voorwo
Page 9 and 10: 7 Fear and fantasy in the cases 147
Page 11 and 12: Figures 1.1 Outline of the thesis 2
Page 13 and 14: Tables 2.1 Development of European
Page 15 and 16: Voorwoord Al reizend ervaart men he
Page 17 and 18: 1 Changing role of public space in
Page 19 and 20: 23 per cent of the geographical pub
Page 21 and 22: Mentzel (1993: 104):* the place whe
Page 23 and 24: home country but also evaluate publ
Page 25 and 26: 1. How have the design and manageme
Page 27 and 28: and agency as complementary forces
Page 29 and 30: of public space, it could also make
Page 31 and 32: 2 Development and typology of Dutch
Page 33 and 34: periods, the table illustrates the
Page 35 and 36: Figure 2.1 The Vismarkt (fish marke
Page 37 and 38: 1985 on behest of the communist lea
Page 39 and 40: Figure 2.2 Neude in Utrecht in 1989
Page 41 and 42: (Prak, 2002; Meyer et al., 2006). B
Page 43 and 44: ecause its situation has altered th
Page 45 and 46: connection can also be less clear-c
Page 47 and 48: can also explain why certain square
Page 49 and 50: 3 Current trends in the design and
Page 51 and 52: Figure 3.1 Sign of CCTV in Barcelon
Page 53 and 54: easy access (Lofland, 1998). This c
Page 55 and 56: how entertainment has gone through
Page 57: Figure 3.2 The Beestenmarkt in Delf
Page 61 and 62: surveillance cameras, their operato
Page 63 and 64: at redeveloped derelict sites that
Page 65 and 66: 4 Private-sector involvement in the
Page 67 and 68: urban policy in the 1980s after an
Page 69 and 70: (1989) defines as the transformatio
Page 71 and 72: 3. A shift from public sector to pr
Page 73 and 74: through a blend of architectural de
Page 75 and 76: 4.3.1 Role and objectives of local
Page 77 and 78: uildings and to emphasise that they
Page 79 and 80: increase in the number of rules or
Page 81 and 82: for the dispossessed, which Mitchel
Page 83 and 84: process (i.e., longer duration, mor
Page 85 and 86: 5 Research design and methodology I
Page 87 and 88: Figure 5.1 Cultural square: Museump
Page 89 and 90: (Slager, 2007). There are also hybr
Page 91 and 92: 5.2.2 Inventory of Dutch city squar
Page 93 and 94: Table 5.3 Research objects in the n
Page 95 and 96: Appendix C consists of an interview
Page 97 and 98: concepts have been specified in six
Page 99 and 100: Figure 5.7 Permanent stage on the G
Page 101 and 102: 6 Urban policy and spatial structur
Page 103 and 104: document to stimulate the diversifi
Page 105 and 106: six museums in the area, which were
Page 107 and 108: emphasises the need for well-connec
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Figure 6.2 Schouwburgplein Central
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Table 6.3 Timeline of developments
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Figure 6.4 Beurstraverse Bijenkorf
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Table 6.4 Policies and changes in p
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The Spuiboulevard was the first pro
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Table 6.5 Timeline of developments
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is unclear when the real redevelopm
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Figure 6.9 Statenplein Scheffersple
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success to a strong project leader,
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6.4.1 Policy and structure in Ensch
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Figure 6.12 Oude Markt 7021 Stadsgr
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the market. However, the market ass
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etail stores. The Van Heekplein thu
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After all actors were involved and
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government realised it needed to pr
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compared to 36 per cent in 2000. Th
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this therefore also includes the Pe
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Figure 6.19 Loeffplein Bloemenkamp
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Loeffplein and the Stoa (Figure 6.1
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problems). In addition, it appointe
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7 Fear and fantasy in the cases 7.1
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cafés. The members of the consorti
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esidential square located outside t
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also perceive it that way; they eva
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comprised of many stores with a ‘
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actors involved in the cases in mor
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confirms the work of several author
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8 Private-sector involvement in the
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8.2.1 Role and objectives of the lo
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Discussions during the focus group
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and investors hardly contribute to
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the architects responsible for the
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2) a decrease in the free access of
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There is also a compulsive pressure
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they argued that property owners ar
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They were all refuted until V&D and
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In addition to a longer duration, p
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In a similar vein, one informant em
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9 Conclusions, reflections, and imp
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were laid out in the 1950s as parts
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‘supply side’. This includes th
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Van Heekplein (i.e., Foruminvest, H
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edevelopment of the PPP squares was
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more restricted due to private-sect
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Glossary Chief Government Architect
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Appendix A Interviews and focus gro
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Table A.5 Case-study interviews on
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(1) (2) (3) City a Population b Nam
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2. Object: changes in the design an
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Capacities: Role of investor Respon
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Table E.2 Main Dutch investors invo
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Samenvatting Veranderende openbare
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Beurstraverse. Het Van Heekplein in
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in hun eigendom, maar ook in de rui
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uimte leiden. Tenslotte kunnen de b
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References Aarts, M., ed. (1995), E
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Burgers, J. (2003), De historische
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Gemeente Enschede (1999), H.J. van
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Ibelings, H. (2004), Geprivatiseerd
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Mitchell, D. (2001), Postmodern geo
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Rishbeth, C. & N. Finney (2006), No
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Van de Wiel, J. (1996), De winkelfu
Page 233 and 234:
Curriculum vitae Rianne van Melik w
Page 235 and 236:
NEDERLANDSE GEOGRAFISCHE STUDIES /
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