Changing public space

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Netherlands has increased since the end of the 1980s (Kohnstamm, 1993). In contrast to the US and UK, this has not led to the creation of a large number of gated communities (Lohof & Reijndorp, 2006). Neither have BIDs come into existence, although there are many calls for pilot projects and there is an increasing interest in the subject (e.g., Ter Beek & Mosselman, 2006). Yet in terms of city centre redevelopment projects, the private sector is increasingly involved. 4.2.2 Urban entrepreneurialism The involvement of private parties in public space projects has led to what Mitchell and Staeheli have defined as pseudo-private spaces: These are spaces that are formally owned by the state, by the public, but that are subject to control and regulation by private interests (…) such spaces have become necessary to the redevelopment of downtown under a system that makes accumulation – the increase of value – the primary reason for maintaining or improving the city, and in which sociability and spectacle are merely the means towards that primary good …. (Mitchell & Staeheli, 2006: 153, original emphasis) How can the rise of these pseudo-private spaces in the urban landscapes across North America and Western Europe be explained? Section 3.4 has briefly touched upon economic and political dynamics that have triggered the development of secured and themed public space. The dynamics described there are closely connected to a larger trend of cities becoming more ‘entrepreneurial’. As a result of deindustrialisation and suburbanisation processes many city centres experienced decline and long-term unemployment throughout the 1970s and 1980s (Logan & Molotch, 1987). These processes were often accompanied with a decline in national fiscal support (MacLeod, 2002). For many local governments, this implied a shift in urban policy, which David Harvey Deindustrialisation Suburbanisation Decentralisation of national policy Globalisation Decline in local (tax) budget Decline in national fiscal support Increasing competition among cities for footloose investments Decline in local budget for public goods and services Rise of urban entrepreneurialism 7092 Increasing privatesector involvement in urban redevelopment Figure 4.1 Model explaining increasing private-sector involvement in urban redevelopment through the rise of urban entrepreneurialism. Based on: Logan & Molotch (1987), Harvey (1989), and MacLeod (2002). 66
(1989) defines as the transformation from ‘managerialism’ to ‘entrepreneurialism’. The Fordist managerialist mode had largely pertained to extending the provision of public services and welfare (Eisinger, 2000; DeFilippis, 2004). The post-Fordist entrepreneurial regime, on the contrary, is “… essentially concerned with reviving the competitive position of urban economies, especially through the ‘liberation’ of private enterprise and an associated demunicipalization and recommodification of social and economic life…” (MacLeod, 2002: 604). Thus, the local government had to transform its urban planning to include more proactive modes of private-sector involvement to enable urban (re)development. Figure 4.1 combines the abovementioned elements in a model explaining the increase of private-sector involvement in urban redevelopment through the rise of urban entrepreneurialism. The entrepreneurial city is characterised by two interconnected developments: the growing responsibilities of the local government (in the wake of deregulation and the decentralization of power resulting from the declining role of the nation state – Jessop, 1994) and the increased involvement of the private sector. The two developments might seem contradictory, as the general idea is that local governments are disempowered by entrepreneurial systems of urban governance (M c Guirk & MacLaran, 2001). However, despite the growing role of the private sector, the government still plays an important role in urban development processes. According to Needham (2006), it is a common misconception that markets exist independently of the state. The government (the ‘lawmaker’) creates rights and determines the rules about the way in which they may be used and traded, and thus structures the market (Section 4.4.1). Urban theories preceding the notion of the entrepreneurial city Neo-Marxists theories that emerged in the US in the 1970s and 1980s already emphasised the relation between the state and market (e.g., publications by Susan Fainstein and David Harvey). The general idea was that the city within a capitalist society is the result of the accumulation of investment. The private sector can generate the required investment and thus plays an important role in the realisation of the urban landscape. However, the state remains responsible for two essential elements of urban society: 1) the so-called accumulation function or ‘public goods’ that are required for the functioning of urban society, and 2) maintaining the public order (O’Connor, 1973). According to Neo-Marxist thought, public space – being a public good in which maintaining the public order is very important – would always continue to be the main responsibility of the state (Fainstein, 2001). The West-European variant of the Neo-Marxist approach was the local-state theory, which was prevalent in the 1970s. The approach focused on the distribution of functions among different governmental layers. The national government concentrates on economics, while the local state compensates this economic preoccupation by offering ‘consumption-related issues’ (Pickvance, 1995: 269). This includes public goods and the provision of social services such as education and housing but also public space. Because of this ‘division of labour’ among governmental authorities, the national and local government are complementary. The local-state theory has become slightly outdated over the years. Because of the declining role of the nation state, the local government is increasingly preoccupied with urban economics: This shift in urban governance has been characterised by the diminishing importance of the local provision of welfare and services by city governments in favour of a more outward orientated stance designed to foster local development and economic growth. 67
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Changing public space The recent re
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Changing public space
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Netherlands Geographical Studies 37
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Contents Figures 9 Tables 11 Voorwo
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7 Fear and fantasy in the cases 147
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Figures 1.1 Outline of the thesis 2
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Tables 2.1 Development of European
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Voorwoord Al reizend ervaart men he
Page 17 and 18: 1 Changing role of public space in
Page 19 and 20: 23 per cent of the geographical pub
Page 21 and 22: Mentzel (1993: 104):* the place whe
Page 23 and 24: home country but also evaluate publ
Page 25 and 26: 1. How have the design and manageme
Page 27 and 28: and agency as complementary forces
Page 29 and 30: of public space, it could also make
Page 31 and 32: 2 Development and typology of Dutch
Page 33 and 34: periods, the table illustrates the
Page 35 and 36: Figure 2.1 The Vismarkt (fish marke
Page 37 and 38: 1985 on behest of the communist lea
Page 39 and 40: Figure 2.2 Neude in Utrecht in 1989
Page 41 and 42: (Prak, 2002; Meyer et al., 2006). B
Page 43 and 44: ecause its situation has altered th
Page 45 and 46: connection can also be less clear-c
Page 47 and 48: can also explain why certain square
Page 49 and 50: 3 Current trends in the design and
Page 51 and 52: Figure 3.1 Sign of CCTV in Barcelon
Page 53 and 54: easy access (Lofland, 1998). This c
Page 55 and 56: how entertainment has gone through
Page 57 and 58: Figure 3.2 The Beestenmarkt in Delf
Page 59 and 60: Dynamics in production structures
Page 61 and 62: surveillance cameras, their operato
Page 63 and 64: at redeveloped derelict sites that
Page 65 and 66: 4 Private-sector involvement in the
Page 67: urban policy in the 1980s after an
Page 71 and 72: 3. A shift from public sector to pr
Page 73 and 74: through a blend of architectural de
Page 75 and 76: 4.3.1 Role and objectives of local
Page 77 and 78: uildings and to emphasise that they
Page 79 and 80: increase in the number of rules or
Page 81 and 82: for the dispossessed, which Mitchel
Page 83 and 84: process (i.e., longer duration, mor
Page 85 and 86: 5 Research design and methodology I
Page 87 and 88: Figure 5.1 Cultural square: Museump
Page 89 and 90: (Slager, 2007). There are also hybr
Page 91 and 92: 5.2.2 Inventory of Dutch city squar
Page 93 and 94: Table 5.3 Research objects in the n
Page 95 and 96: Appendix C consists of an interview
Page 97 and 98: concepts have been specified in six
Page 99 and 100: Figure 5.7 Permanent stage on the G
Page 101 and 102: 6 Urban policy and spatial structur
Page 103 and 104: document to stimulate the diversifi
Page 105 and 106: six museums in the area, which were
Page 107 and 108: emphasises the need for well-connec
Page 109 and 110: Figure 6.2 Schouwburgplein Central
Page 111 and 112: Table 6.3 Timeline of developments
Page 113 and 114: Figure 6.4 Beurstraverse Bijenkorf
Page 115 and 116: Table 6.4 Policies and changes in p
Page 117 and 118: The Spuiboulevard was the first pro
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Table 6.5 Timeline of developments
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is unclear when the real redevelopm
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Figure 6.9 Statenplein Scheffersple
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success to a strong project leader,
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6.4.1 Policy and structure in Ensch
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Figure 6.12 Oude Markt 7021 Stadsgr
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the market. However, the market ass
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etail stores. The Van Heekplein thu
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After all actors were involved and
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government realised it needed to pr
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compared to 36 per cent in 2000. Th
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this therefore also includes the Pe
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Figure 6.19 Loeffplein Bloemenkamp
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Loeffplein and the Stoa (Figure 6.1
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problems). In addition, it appointe
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7 Fear and fantasy in the cases 7.1
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cafés. The members of the consorti
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esidential square located outside t
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also perceive it that way; they eva
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comprised of many stores with a ‘
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actors involved in the cases in mor
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confirms the work of several author
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8 Private-sector involvement in the
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8.2.1 Role and objectives of the lo
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Discussions during the focus group
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and investors hardly contribute to
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the architects responsible for the
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2) a decrease in the free access of
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There is also a compulsive pressure
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they argued that property owners ar
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They were all refuted until V&D and
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In addition to a longer duration, p
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In a similar vein, one informant em
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9 Conclusions, reflections, and imp
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were laid out in the 1950s as parts
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‘supply side’. This includes th
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Van Heekplein (i.e., Foruminvest, H
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edevelopment of the PPP squares was
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more restricted due to private-sect
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Glossary Chief Government Architect
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Appendix A Interviews and focus gro
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Table A.5 Case-study interviews on
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(1) (2) (3) City a Population b Nam
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2. Object: changes in the design an
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Capacities: Role of investor Respon
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Table E.2 Main Dutch investors invo
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Samenvatting Veranderende openbare
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Beurstraverse. Het Van Heekplein in
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in hun eigendom, maar ook in de rui
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uimte leiden. Tenslotte kunnen de b
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References Aarts, M., ed. (1995), E
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Burgers, J. (2003), De historische
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Gemeente Enschede (1999), H.J. van
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Ibelings, H. (2004), Geprivatiseerd
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Mitchell, D. (2001), Postmodern geo
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Rishbeth, C. & N. Finney (2006), No
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Van de Wiel, J. (1996), De winkelfu
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Curriculum vitae Rianne van Melik w
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NEDERLANDSE GEOGRAFISCHE STUDIES /
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