Changing public space

literature, the selection of cases, and the analysis of preliminary results. The advisory team could
assist in a practical manner by offering access to their network for the selection of informants.
Like the case-study interviews, the meetings and interviews with the advisory team were
recorded and transcribed verbatim.
5.3.3 Secondary data and observations
Other sources of information for the empirical research are secondary data and observations.
Much of the secondary data consist of key policy documents related to the cases (e.g., dS+V et
al., 1993; Gemeente Dordrecht, 1996; Gemeente Enschede, 1996; Gemeente ’s-Hertogenbosch,
1993). But we also examined documents that clarify the redevelopment such as design plans
and newspaper articles. In addition, statistical data on the case-study cities has been processed.
Some information was freely accessible, such as data on Dordrecht from the Social Geographic
Agency (www.sociaalgeografischbureau.nl) and data from the city-centre monitors (Gemeente
’s-Hertogenbosch, 2004; Gemeente Enschede, 2006; Van Rhee et al., 2005). Other material was
provided on request (Van Aalst & Ennen, 2001; BRM, 2002; both regarding Rotterdam).
Observation as a research method has been applied quite extensively in studies on public
space (e.g., Low, 2000; Oosterbaan Martinius, 2003; Stevens, 2007). One of the first to
systematically observe public space was the sociologist William H. Whyte. While working with
the New York City Planning Commission, he conducted the Street Life Project, a large-scale,
long-term study of pedestrian behaviour and city dynamics (Whyte, 1980, 1988). He also founded
the Project for Public Space (PPS – www.pps.org) in New York. PPS is currently building upon
Whyte’s legacy by studying the use of public space and advising cities around the world on how
to improve their public spaces. Observation is particularly suited to investigate the users of public
space, more so than the role and objectives of the actors supplying it. This method is therefore
used sparingly in the present research. Since it is subjective, observation is only used here to
document the physical characteristics of the research objects. Besides the size of the projects,
observation is directed toward surveillance by cameras or security guards and amenities such as
benches and sidewalk cafés. The main points of attention during the observation are described
in Table 5.4. These are classified under two dimensions ascribed to public space in the literature:
fear and fantasy.
5.4 Analysing the cases
In Chapter 7 we investigate the extent to which the dimensions of fear and fantasy can be
discerned in the research objects. Are they overlapping features of Dutch public spaces, as the
literature in Chapter 3 would suggest? Or are secured (fear-reducing) and themed (fantasyevoking)
public spaces clearly distinct? To elucidate the relationship, fear and fantasy are first
operationalised and then visualised. To that end, we have devised an analytical tool based on
scaling techniques, which allows us to compare public spaces on a number of criteria by means of
simple diagrams. It is outlined below and later applied to the research objects in Chapter 7.
Fear and fantasy are broad concepts. They exist beyond public space (e.g., feelings of fear as a
result of domestic violence) and beyond physical characteristics. People, for example, cannot only
become afraid in dark alleys, but also by the presence of certain other users. We have focused
on the former: the physical or spatial translation of fear and fantasy in public space. The two
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