Changing public space

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space for city squares became scarce and the demand for these kinds of public spaces diminished: “Increasingly, as city plans were stripped of all frills and became uninterrupted grids, the public demanded not squares but parks, an escape from the urban jungle …” (Webb, 1990: 125). The few city squares that actually have been created in the 19th century, such as the Piazza del Popolo in Rome, almost immediately functioned as a traffic hub rather than as place to spend time in ( Jongepier, 1988). Despite the decrease in available space, a new kind of square was laid out in the 19th century: the train station square. The industrialisation process enabled developments within the field of transportation, including the construction of the railroad system. It emerged relatively slowly in the Netherlands compared to other European countries. For example, the railway system in Belgium developed much faster. The explanation can be found in the existence of the Dutch waterway system, which enabled comfortable and reliable transport by means of towboats. Belgium could no longer make use of this system after the separation from the Netherlands in 1830. Therefore, it needed a new transport system to connect Antwerp’s harbour with the German hinterland. In the Netherlands, the first railway line was constructed between Amsterdam and Haarlem in 1839. Train stations soon became the new gateways to the city and the adjacent squares became the main market places. Goods were no longer transported to the central city square, but were sold in the vicinity of the station (French, 1983). In the course of the 20th century, station squares gradually lost this market function and transformed into large-scale traffic junctions, dominated by wagons, trams, buses, and automobiles. In addition, most other Dutch city squares were turned into parking lots during the second half of the 20th century. This transformation resulted from new planning processes, which were highly influenced by the modernist philosophy of the CIAM movement (Congrès Internationaux d’Architecture Moderne). According to the CIAM, social encounters should not take place in public space, but in adequate places as community centres ( Jongepier, 1988). It also propagated the separation of functions and the creation of functional space. Public space was only regarded as space that had to allow people to get from one point to another as quickly as possible (Hajer, 1989: 15). City squares were unnecessary, unless they could facilitate traffic as parking lots. The CIAM philosophy resulted in large clearances in the historic structure of cities and the transformation of city squares into parking spaces (Brunt & Deben, 2001). The Museumplein in Amsterdam and the Neude in Utrecht (Figure 2.2) are good examples of this transition. The few city squares that were nevertheless constructed differed from prior enclosed squares: they were often spacious, open shopping squares (RPB, 2004). In the 1980s and 1990s, the car was gradually banished from the surface of city squares, but often remained nearby in underground parking garages (e.g., underneath the Vrijthof in Maastricht or the Plein in The Hague). In lieu of the cars came design benches, lampposts, sidewalk cafés, and new pavements. The development was presumably triggered or at least influenced by a worldwide trend of large-scale (waterfront) redevelopments that started in the late-1970s. This trend is also known as Rousification after developer James Rouse (Hall, 2002). These waterfront developments were characterised by the incorporation of new combinations of activities: recreation, culture, shopping, and mixed-income housing. Large-scale redevelopments as in Boston, Baltimore or the London Docklands have only limitedly occurred in the Netherlands. However, the main characteristics are also present in the redevelopment of public space in general, in which renewal of existing structures and recreation, culture, and shopping also play an important role (Section 3.3). 36
Figure 2.2 Neude in Utrecht in 1989, view on the south side of the square. Source: Utrechts Archief (www.hetutrechtsarchief.nl), no. 13902. Figure 2.3 Neude in 2007. The south side of the square is now used as sidewalk café. In summertime the tables and chairs are extended to the square’s centre. 37
Page 1 and 2: Changing public space The recent re
Page 3 and 4: Changing public space
Page 5 and 6: Netherlands Geographical Studies 37
Page 7 and 8: Contents Figures 9 Tables 11 Voorwo
Page 9 and 10: 7 Fear and fantasy in the cases 147
Page 11 and 12: Figures 1.1 Outline of the thesis 2
Page 13 and 14: Tables 2.1 Development of European
Page 15 and 16: Voorwoord Al reizend ervaart men he
Page 17 and 18: 1 Changing role of public space in
Page 19 and 20: 23 per cent of the geographical pub
Page 21 and 22: Mentzel (1993: 104):* the place whe
Page 23 and 24: home country but also evaluate publ
Page 25 and 26: 1. How have the design and manageme
Page 27 and 28: and agency as complementary forces
Page 29 and 30: of public space, it could also make
Page 31 and 32: 2 Development and typology of Dutch
Page 33 and 34: periods, the table illustrates the
Page 35 and 36: Figure 2.1 The Vismarkt (fish marke
Page 37: 1985 on behest of the communist lea
Page 41 and 42: (Prak, 2002; Meyer et al., 2006). B
Page 43 and 44: ecause its situation has altered th
Page 45 and 46: connection can also be less clear-c
Page 47 and 48: can also explain why certain square
Page 49 and 50: 3 Current trends in the design and
Page 51 and 52: Figure 3.1 Sign of CCTV in Barcelon
Page 53 and 54: easy access (Lofland, 1998). This c
Page 55 and 56: how entertainment has gone through
Page 57 and 58: Figure 3.2 The Beestenmarkt in Delf
Page 59 and 60: Dynamics in production structures
Page 61 and 62: surveillance cameras, their operato
Page 63 and 64: at redeveloped derelict sites that
Page 65 and 66: 4 Private-sector involvement in the
Page 67 and 68: urban policy in the 1980s after an
Page 69 and 70: (1989) defines as the transformatio
Page 71 and 72: 3. A shift from public sector to pr
Page 73 and 74: through a blend of architectural de
Page 75 and 76: 4.3.1 Role and objectives of local
Page 77 and 78: uildings and to emphasise that they
Page 79 and 80: increase in the number of rules or
Page 81 and 82: for the dispossessed, which Mitchel
Page 83 and 84: process (i.e., longer duration, mor
Page 85 and 86: 5 Research design and methodology I
Page 87 and 88: Figure 5.1 Cultural square: Museump
Page 89 and 90:
(Slager, 2007). There are also hybr
Page 91 and 92:
5.2.2 Inventory of Dutch city squar
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Table 5.3 Research objects in the n
Page 95 and 96:
Appendix C consists of an interview
Page 97 and 98:
concepts have been specified in six
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Figure 5.7 Permanent stage on the G
Page 101 and 102:
6 Urban policy and spatial structur
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document to stimulate the diversifi
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six museums in the area, which were
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emphasises the need for well-connec
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Figure 6.2 Schouwburgplein Central
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Table 6.3 Timeline of developments
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Figure 6.4 Beurstraverse Bijenkorf
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Table 6.4 Policies and changes in p
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The Spuiboulevard was the first pro
Page 119 and 120:
Table 6.5 Timeline of developments
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is unclear when the real redevelopm
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Figure 6.9 Statenplein Scheffersple
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success to a strong project leader,
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6.4.1 Policy and structure in Ensch
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Figure 6.12 Oude Markt 7021 Stadsgr
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the market. However, the market ass
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etail stores. The Van Heekplein thu
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After all actors were involved and
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government realised it needed to pr
Page 139 and 140:
compared to 36 per cent in 2000. Th
Page 141 and 142:
this therefore also includes the Pe
Page 143 and 144:
Figure 6.19 Loeffplein Bloemenkamp
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Loeffplein and the Stoa (Figure 6.1
Page 147 and 148:
problems). In addition, it appointe
Page 149 and 150:
7 Fear and fantasy in the cases 7.1
Page 151 and 152:
cafés. The members of the consorti
Page 153 and 154:
esidential square located outside t
Page 155 and 156:
also perceive it that way; they eva
Page 157 and 158:
comprised of many stores with a ‘
Page 159 and 160:
actors involved in the cases in mor
Page 161 and 162:
confirms the work of several author
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8 Private-sector involvement in the
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8.2.1 Role and objectives of the lo
Page 167 and 168:
Discussions during the focus group
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and investors hardly contribute to
Page 171 and 172:
the architects responsible for the
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2) a decrease in the free access of
Page 175 and 176:
There is also a compulsive pressure
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they argued that property owners ar
Page 179 and 180:
They were all refuted until V&D and
Page 181 and 182:
In addition to a longer duration, p
Page 183 and 184:
In a similar vein, one informant em
Page 185 and 186:
9 Conclusions, reflections, and imp
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were laid out in the 1950s as parts
Page 189 and 190:
‘supply side’. This includes th
Page 191 and 192:
Van Heekplein (i.e., Foruminvest, H
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edevelopment of the PPP squares was
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more restricted due to private-sect
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Glossary Chief Government Architect
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Appendix A Interviews and focus gro
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Table A.5 Case-study interviews on
Page 203 and 204:
(1) (2) (3) City a Population b Nam
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2. Object: changes in the design an
Page 207 and 208:
Capacities: Role of investor Respon
Page 209 and 210:
Table E.2 Main Dutch investors invo
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Samenvatting Veranderende openbare
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Beurstraverse. Het Van Heekplein in
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in hun eigendom, maar ook in de rui
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uimte leiden. Tenslotte kunnen de b
Page 219 and 220:
References Aarts, M., ed. (1995), E
Page 221 and 222:
Burgers, J. (2003), De historische
Page 223 and 224:
Gemeente Enschede (1999), H.J. van
Page 225 and 226:
Ibelings, H. (2004), Geprivatiseerd
Page 227 and 228:
Mitchell, D. (2001), Postmodern geo
Page 229 and 230:
Rishbeth, C. & N. Finney (2006), No
Page 231 and 232:
Van de Wiel, J. (1996), De winkelfu
Page 233 and 234:
Curriculum vitae Rianne van Melik w
Page 235 and 236:
NEDERLANDSE GEOGRAFISCHE STUDIES /
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