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Changing public space

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surveillance cameras, their operators, and the state. We want – and expect – to feel safe<br />

at all times. American courts, in other words, are pushing towards a model of citizenship<br />

that matches the cars we drive (…) Cocooned in a sealed chamber, behind tinted glass,<br />

with the temperature fully controlled, and the GPS system tracking, and sometimes<br />

dictating, our every turn, our every stop and start, we are radically isolated from each<br />

other, able to communicate only through the false connectedness of the cell phone. We<br />

ride high and sovereign; we are the masters of <strong>space</strong>; we are safe against all who might<br />

intrude (and against the weather, too) …. (Mitchell, 2005: 96)<br />

Brunt (1996: 121) states that while criminality is mostly concentrated on a few locations, fear and<br />

feelings of insecurity are much more unbridled and spread-out. This also seems to be the case<br />

in the Netherlands, where crime rates have not recently increased. Since the beginning of the<br />

1990s, rates have remained at a stable, albeit high level after a strong rise from the 1960s onwards.<br />

Nevertheless, as noted above, Dutch <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>s are increasingly monitored. The current<br />

problem is thus not insecurity, but the fear of danger. Speller et al. (2006: 38) also acknowledge<br />

that crime rates have not increased, in contrast to feelings of insecurity, which they define as the<br />

safety paradox. They explain the paradox by distinguishing between safety perceptions on the<br />

micro (i.e., experience with daily crime, such as noise nuisance or pick pocketing) and the macro<br />

level (i.e., terrorist attacks and (natural) catastrophes). Macro level events, such as the terrorist<br />

attacks in September 2001, might have a large impact on the micro level of safety perception,<br />

without daily crime rates actually increasing.<br />

The link between feelings of fear and the development of secured <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> is rather<br />

obvious. However, as well as resulting in secured <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>, feelings of fear have also triggered<br />

the development of themed <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>. According to Ellin (2001: 873), a current response to<br />

fear is escapism. This term covers extreme forms of retreat from the community and flights<br />

into controlled fantasy worlds such as suburban shopping malls, theme parks, and other mega<br />

structures devoted to leisure and recreational activities. The differentiation of urban lifestyles has<br />

also increased the demand for entertainment in urban <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong> in another way. People show<br />

greater dissimilarity in their consumption patterns and in the way they spend their leisure time,<br />

in line with the prevailing socio-cultural and economic dynamics (SCP, 2004). The increase of<br />

purchasing power and a higher average education level has resulted in an enlargement of possible<br />

leisure activities (Mommaas, 2000). Florida (2002) emphasises that the lifestyles of people<br />

have changed, leading to a more ‘compressed’ life in which people do more in less time. Work<br />

and leisure therefore become more intertwined: people relax more at work (i.e., sport facilities<br />

offered at work), but also mix leisure with work-related activities, such as business meetings on<br />

a sidewalk café (Burgers, 2000). People also get a more reflexive stance towards themselves and<br />

their environment (Mentzel, 1993; Asbeek Brusse et al., 2002). Their desires and demands become<br />

increasingly differentiated, which makes it difficult to design ‘neutral’ <strong>public</strong> <strong>space</strong>. Another trend<br />

is intensification, which derives from an increased longing for more immediate and fulfilling<br />

experiences. Pine and Gilmore (1999) ascribe the growing importance of symbolic and aesthetic<br />

consumption to the rise of the ‘experience economy’. Within such an economy, people search<br />

for intense experiences, which give identity and distinguish them from the ‘mainstream’. In this<br />

regard, life has become a ‘do-it-yourself ’ package:<br />

In this new world, it is no longer the organizations we work for, churches, neighborhoods<br />

or even family ties that define us. Instead, we do this ourselves (…) Other aspects of our<br />

lives – what we consume, new forms of leisure and recreation, efforts at community-<br />

59

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