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DOWNLOAD Genocide in Our Time - NewFoundations

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Chapter 6THE UKRAINIANFAMINEby Lyman H. LegtersIn the m<strong>in</strong>d of Stal<strong>in</strong>, the problem of theUkra<strong>in</strong>ian peasants who resisted collectivizationwas l<strong>in</strong>ked with the problem of Ukra<strong>in</strong>iannationalism. Collectivization was imposed on theUkra<strong>in</strong>e much faster than it was on other partsof the Soviet Union. The result<strong>in</strong>g hardship <strong>in</strong>the Ukra<strong>in</strong>e was deliberately <strong>in</strong>tensified by apolicy of unrelent<strong>in</strong>g gra<strong>in</strong> procurement. It wasthis procurement policy that transformedhardship <strong>in</strong>to catastrophe. Fam<strong>in</strong>e by itself is notgenocide, but the consequences of the policy wereknown and remedies were available. Theevidence is quite powerful that the fam<strong>in</strong>e couldhave been avoided, hence the argument turns onStal<strong>in</strong>'s <strong>in</strong>tentions.On the eve of the Bolshevik Revolution, EuropeanSocial Democrats, <strong>in</strong>clud<strong>in</strong>g their Russian branch, heldgenerally to two items of received doctr<strong>in</strong>al wisdomthat would bear ultimately on the calamity of the early1930s <strong>in</strong> the Ukra<strong>in</strong>e. One of these was the belief thatthe rural agricultural economy, along with its associatedsocial order, was to undergo capitalist k<strong>in</strong>ds of developmentas a necessary prelude to the <strong>in</strong>troduction ofsocialism <strong>in</strong> the countryside. That expectation couldbe traced directly back to Marx and Engels. The otherbeliefhad been fashioned more recently <strong>in</strong> the mult<strong>in</strong>ationalempires of Habsburg and Romanov and taughtthat ethnic diversity, presumed to be a vestigial socialfact that would eventually disappear, might be accommodated<strong>in</strong> a centralized political systemby permitt<strong>in</strong>g,perhaps even encourag<strong>in</strong>g, cultural autonomy. 'In the Russian case, the first of these propositionswas confounded <strong>in</strong>itially <strong>in</strong> two ways. Capitalistdevelopment had not occurred to any significant degree<strong>in</strong> rural areas, so a socialist program could only bepremature at the time of the Bolshevik seizure ofpower. And, more decisively, Len<strong>in</strong>'s revolutionarystrategy was based <strong>in</strong> part on appeal<strong>in</strong>g to the immediate<strong>in</strong>terests of the peasantry, and the peasants for theirpart responded by simply seiz<strong>in</strong>g the land, mak<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong>effect a smallholder's revolution. Consequently, theBolsheviks <strong>in</strong> power, at least as soon as <strong>in</strong>itial socializ<strong>in</strong>gfervor had abated, could contemplate socialism <strong>in</strong>the countryside only as a long-term development.The matter of ethnic diversity, the nationalityproblem, was also complicated by tension between theproclaimed pr<strong>in</strong>ciple of self-determ<strong>in</strong>ation and theThe Ukra<strong>in</strong>ian Fam<strong>in</strong>e 107

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