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Terror-Fam<strong>in</strong>eMemoir literature and <strong>in</strong>terviews conducted longafter provide a grim picture of the consequences:corpses <strong>in</strong> the streets of the villages, deliberate crueltyby enforcement authorities, starv<strong>in</strong>g children, cannibalism,<strong>in</strong> short, all of the accompaniments of deep andprolonged fam<strong>in</strong>e. ' Demographic evidence yields lessgraphic but no less startl<strong>in</strong>g demonstration of theterrible outcome of Stal<strong>in</strong>'s policies. One estimate, byMaksudov, arrives at a figure of 4. 5 million deaths <strong>in</strong>the Ukra<strong>in</strong>e as a result of fam<strong>in</strong>e, a bit over half of thepremature deaths he estimates for the Soviet Union asa whole. ' Not<strong>in</strong>g that this estimate disregards theresettlement of depopulated villages by non-Ukra<strong>in</strong>ians,Mace suggests the higher figure of 7. 5 million."Demographic evidence also helps to locate the areasof greatest suffer<strong>in</strong>g, the Ukra<strong>in</strong>e rank<strong>in</strong>g first accord<strong>in</strong>gto most accounts. Also tell<strong>in</strong>g is a comparison oftwo districts fac<strong>in</strong>g each other across the Russian-Ukra<strong>in</strong>ian boundary, the Ukra<strong>in</strong>ian side show<strong>in</strong>gextreme devastation and the Russian side roughlynormal mortality."Terror-fam<strong>in</strong>e" is the term Robert Conquest usesfor the whole episode, suggest<strong>in</strong>g not just the natureof the events but also the deliberate <strong>in</strong>tent that pushedthe misery associated with collectivization across' thel<strong>in</strong>e to outright devastation. " Fam<strong>in</strong>e by itself is ofcourse not a genocide, nor is massive loss of life. Butby demonstrat<strong>in</strong>g that the consequences of policy wereknown and remedies available, the argument turns onthe <strong>in</strong>tentions of those responsible. The evidence isquite powerful that the fam<strong>in</strong>e could have been avoided;it is overwhelm<strong>in</strong>g that the worst consequences couldhave been ameliorated at least. It is equally hard todisregard the evidence, not least from the statementsof Stal<strong>in</strong> and other party leaders, that the entire policyhad a nationality dimension as well as an economic one.The Ukra<strong>in</strong>e would have suffered terribly, by its verynature as an agricultural stronghold, from collectivizationand the manner of its imposition. But there is noadequate explanation, apart from the nationalityquestion, for the s<strong>in</strong>gl<strong>in</strong>g out of the Ukra<strong>in</strong>e forexceptionally dire consequences."The UN Def<strong>in</strong>ition of <strong>Genocide</strong>It can be argued that the UN def<strong>in</strong>ition of genocideis deficient <strong>in</strong> its failure to allow for murderousonslaughts on strata — such as the kulaks — of a givenpopulation, whether real or <strong>in</strong>vented." Were thisextension to be admitted, then the program of dekulakization,given the extreme loss of life that its implementationentailed, would count as a genocide. In anyevent, what is beyond doubt is that the Ukra<strong>in</strong>ianfam<strong>in</strong>e does fall with<strong>in</strong> the UN def<strong>in</strong>ition as an attemptto destroy the basis for cont<strong>in</strong>ued existence of anationality. The Ukra<strong>in</strong>e survives as a self-consciousethnic community, but a genocidal policy does not haveto succeed <strong>in</strong> its f<strong>in</strong>al aim before it can be counted asa genocide.NOTES1. In the Marxian tradition the classic treatment ofthe subject is Otto Bauer, Die NationalitQtenpage unddie Sozialdemokratie (Wien: I. Brand, 1907); JosephStal<strong>in</strong>, Marxism and the National-Colonial Question(New York: International Publishers, 1935) is atheoretically <strong>in</strong>ferior effort, partly derived from andpartly at odds with Bauer; for a modern study, see IanCumm<strong>in</strong>s, Marx, Engels and National Movements (NewYork: St. Mart<strong>in</strong>'s Press, 1980).2. On these events, see Richard Pipes, 7heFormationof the Soviet Union; Communism and Nationalism,191 7-1923 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press,1954).3. James E. Mace, "Fam<strong>in</strong>e and Nationalism <strong>in</strong>Soviet Ukra<strong>in</strong>e, " Problems of Communism1984): 41 ff.(May-June4. M. Lev<strong>in</strong>, Russian Peasants and Soviet Power(New York: W. W. Norton, 1975), 148-158.5. The episode is described <strong>in</strong> detail aga<strong>in</strong>st thebackground of the leadership struggle <strong>in</strong> Stephen F.Cohen, Bukhar<strong>in</strong> and the Bolshevik RevolutionYork: A. A. Knopf, 1973), 270 ff.(New6. Lynne Viola, 7he Best Sons of the Fatherland;Workers <strong>in</strong> the Vanguard of Soviet Collectivization(New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).7. The forego<strong>in</strong>g account relies heavily on James E.Mace, Communism and the Dilemmas of NationalLiberation (Cambridge, MA: Harvard Ukra<strong>in</strong>ianResearch Institute, 1983) and Robert Conquest, 77IeHarvest of Sorrow (New York: Oxford UniversityPress, 1986).8. For example, Miron Dolot, Execution by Hunger(New York: W. W. Norton, 1987).9. Cited <strong>in</strong> Mace, "Fam<strong>in</strong>e, " 38.10. Mace, "Fam<strong>in</strong>e, " 38.110 GENOCIDE

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