'cry and you cry alone. ' So we kept quiet. "' S<strong>in</strong>cearound 1980, however, significant numbers of victimsbegan to modify their attitudes of silence and survivortestimonies have supplemented historical exam<strong>in</strong>ationsof the Holocaust with mov<strong>in</strong>g, personal evidence. Likeall sources, these "life records" ought to be consideredcarefully and critically. As some historians have po<strong>in</strong>tedout, oral histories, especially ones so laden withemotional trauma, cannot substitute for more traditional,written documents. 'While victims of the Holocaust directly experiencedthe consequences of the actions of the perpetrators,they could not know the character of the vastapparatus with its networks of bureaucracies and theprofessional <strong>in</strong>volvements of every socio-economicstratum — the bus<strong>in</strong>essmen or the adm<strong>in</strong>istrators, thephysicians or the plumbers, the ideologues or thetechnicians. Nor could they know about the enormityof the camp system, its dependent relationships withthe railroads and the military-<strong>in</strong>dustrial complex ofGermany. Indeed, most could not know much aboutwhat occurred <strong>in</strong> the next barracks, much less the nextcamp. Should a student of the Holocaust wish to knowhow it came about and how it progressed, or raisequestions about why it overwhelmed the Jews ofEurope, he or she would be better served by turn<strong>in</strong>gto documents, records, and historical texts.A survivor's testimony, then, constitutes only asmall contribution to the subject of the history of theHolocaust and ought not supplant more traditional andprofessional approaches to history. Those testimonies,however, provide a deeper <strong>in</strong>sight <strong>in</strong>to the nature ofthe Holocaust. Even if a testifier <strong>in</strong>correctly identifiesan <strong>in</strong>dividual, offers mis<strong>in</strong>formation about statistics,or misrepresents the chronology of events, ' the valueof the testimony still rema<strong>in</strong>s: the victim's experience,personalized, direct, and concrete, draws the listener<strong>in</strong>to an <strong>in</strong>timate knowledge of the Holocaust; penetratesthe very heart of the darkness <strong>in</strong> ways that not evendiaries or other written accounts can approximate.From these fragments of fragments, the centralityof loss for survivors emerges: the loss of a culture,brutally erased from the world physically and spiritually.Their testimonies give specific names of familymembers and friends, villages, and towns to thisabstract loss. Even a historian who focuses primarilyon the perpetrators ought to reta<strong>in</strong> this central po<strong>in</strong>t.Whatever aspect of the Holocaust one addresses, theanguish of one person recount<strong>in</strong>g his or her specificloss complements the broader historical <strong>in</strong>formation,confronts a listener directly and explicitly.After years of silence, for those who decided tobear witness, the poverty of language presented animmediate barrier to communication. Few words thatdeal with the Holocaust are without controversy orqualification, <strong>in</strong> part because of the apparent <strong>in</strong>adequacyof conventional language: not the differences <strong>in</strong>tongues, but the utter lack of common usage for wordslike "bunk" or "cold, " "roll call" or "tra<strong>in</strong>" h<strong>in</strong>der fullappreciation of the narratives. "How can I tell youthis?" recurs almost as a refra<strong>in</strong>; and the mean<strong>in</strong>g isquite literal. What words will convey this extraord<strong>in</strong>ary,other-worldly, unbelievable ordeal? The Czechwriter, Helena Malirova, wrote as early as 1937 that"there is no human tongue capable of convey<strong>in</strong>g thecrimes perpetrated by the Nazis. "' A failure to f<strong>in</strong>dcommon mean<strong>in</strong>gs for words <strong>in</strong> part explicates the fearthat many victims reta<strong>in</strong>ed, expressed eloquently byPrimo Levi <strong>in</strong> his f<strong>in</strong>al work, that no matter howarticulately or how much they spoke, survivors wouldbe disbelieved. ' "I don't believe this" myself, exclaimedone man. "How can I expect you [the <strong>in</strong>terviewer] ormy children or anyone who wasn't there to believe it?"Weighted words, full of recollections, heavy withassociations that encase the mean<strong>in</strong>gs, become locked<strong>in</strong> a specific context. Elie Wiesel, among others, haswritten of the multiple mean<strong>in</strong>gs of each word: "Everyword carries a "' hundred mean<strong>in</strong>gs. Some survivorscannot see or speak about chimneys without recall<strong>in</strong>gthe chimneys at Auschwitz; some cannot hear a tra<strong>in</strong>without reliv<strong>in</strong>g the horrify<strong>in</strong>g, box car deportationwhich caused the deaths of their families and dividedtheir own lives <strong>in</strong>to before and after; some cannot th<strong>in</strong>kof a word like "bunk" without envision<strong>in</strong>g the boardsthat served as beds <strong>in</strong> the camps.This past and its lexicon rema<strong>in</strong> <strong>in</strong>escapable andpermeate the present for survivors. "The two worldshaunt each other, " Lawrence Langer has noted, the onepollut<strong>in</strong>g the other." Not only do these recollections<strong>in</strong>fect the present, they settle like some miasma uponthe warmer glow of the pre-war past. Memories, then,become "unspeakable" <strong>in</strong> over-determ<strong>in</strong>ed ways. Tomany survivors, the events of the past may be unnerv<strong>in</strong>gto recall and thus to retell. But the more immediateproblem of how to tell, what words to use, compoundsthe phenomenon, complicated aga<strong>in</strong> by the convictionthat no listener can share the mean<strong>in</strong>gs of specificwords.Even the epithet, "survivor, " creates controversy.A popular view of the victims revolves around Auschwitz,the place that has come to symbolize the six deathcamps and the qu<strong>in</strong>tessence of the Holocaust. Survivor,<strong>in</strong> that appraisal, means a person who suffered thevicissitudes, the atrocities, tortures, and attendantmiseries of those hellish places. Some victims of thosecamps also believe that only those who lived throughsuch horrors may be classified "true" survivors. Awork<strong>in</strong>g def<strong>in</strong>ition adopted by some psychologists reenforcesthis stark and reduced one: "a survivor is68 GENocIDE
someone who has survived an ""immediate and traumaticlife-threaten<strong>in</strong>g experience.Given the program of the "F<strong>in</strong>al Solution, "however, the annihilation of the Jews of Europe, anyEuropean Jew who stayed alive from 1933-1945 mightbe termed a survivor. This would <strong>in</strong>clude those whomanaged to flee from Europe, those who were hidden,who made their ways to the Soviet Union, who jo<strong>in</strong>edpartisan groups, who managed to evade the Germansby hid<strong>in</strong>g <strong>in</strong> forests or barns or bunkers.Jews who managed to survive endured the hardshipsof the destruction process with its ongo<strong>in</strong>g,cumulative, efficient, and systematic procedures. InGermany, the process began with discrim<strong>in</strong>atorylaws,reach<strong>in</strong>g a significant plateau <strong>in</strong> 1935 when the NurembergLaws removed civil and human rights fromGerman Jews. Upon occupy<strong>in</strong>g Poland, the Germanmilitary government passed similar laws, remov<strong>in</strong>gcitizenship and all civil rights from Polish Jews. " Thus,the first stage of survival entailed <strong>in</strong>tensified separationand isolation from non-Jews, remov<strong>in</strong>g them from whatsociologist Helen Fe<strong>in</strong> called their "universe of obligation."" The laws escalated degradation and humiliationand prepared the way for forced deportation. WhenGermany <strong>in</strong>vaded Poland, over two million more Jewsfell under their jurisdiction — which now <strong>in</strong>cludedCzechoslovakia and Austria — and the numbers <strong>in</strong>creaseduntil, by 1942, German authority had almost all ofEurope's Jews <strong>in</strong> its grasp.Along with the non-Jewish victims of the war,Jews became subject to occupation, martial law,ration<strong>in</strong>g, and curfews. But for Jews, just as themilitary government removed their citizenship, theother legislation took devastat<strong>in</strong>gly harsher forms. Foodration<strong>in</strong>g for Polish Jews was approximately one-thirdwhat it was for non-Jews. " By the end of September1939, Re<strong>in</strong>hard Heydrich, one of the pr<strong>in</strong>cipal architectsof the "F<strong>in</strong>al Solution, " had ordered ghettosestablished <strong>in</strong> major cities and towns on railroad l<strong>in</strong>es."By 1941, typhus had overtaken almost every ghetto;diseases, lice, malnutrition, overcrowd<strong>in</strong>g, and starvationbegan to take their tolls almost immediately. Bymid-1944, when the Lodz Ghetto, the last major ghetto<strong>in</strong> Poland, was liquidated; between 500, 000 and700, 000 Jews had died <strong>in</strong> ghettos."Those who survived recall watch<strong>in</strong>g their familieswither away; endur<strong>in</strong>g severe, forced labor conditions;liv<strong>in</strong>g daily with uncerta<strong>in</strong>ty, confusion, and terror.They recall fathers and grandfathers suddenly appear<strong>in</strong>gwithout their traditional beards, shaved or cut off byv<strong>in</strong>dictive soldiers or SS men <strong>in</strong> the streets, a symbolicgesture which underscored the loss of their traditionalauthority. Such actions reduced those authority figuresto helplessness as their families suffered the abuses ofGerman policies. Traditional family roles and cohesionbegan to dis<strong>in</strong>tegrate: "I saw my father without hisbeard, " said one woman who was thirteen at the<strong>in</strong>ception of the Lodz Ghetto, "and he sat on a chair<strong>in</strong> the middle of the room and wept. All of us beganto cry, the children, the baby, my mother and grandmother.It was like everyth<strong>in</strong>g that held my life togethersuddenly fell apart. "Survival, then, entailed overcom<strong>in</strong>g the loss oforder and traditional authority; cop<strong>in</strong>g with the breakdownof family and community. In the testimony citedabove, the beard and its senseless removal encapsulatedall this. And the woman's conclusion to her story mustbe heard <strong>in</strong> the context of Jewish history and traditionto fathom its layered mean<strong>in</strong>gs: "I th<strong>in</strong>k my father gaveup then — I knew he would not live much longer. "Jews <strong>in</strong> Eastern Poland and the Soviet Union,<strong>in</strong>vaded by Germany <strong>in</strong> June 1941, immediatelyconfronted violent deaths at the hands of the E<strong>in</strong>satzgruppenor SS mobile kill<strong>in</strong>g units. Survival <strong>in</strong> thoseregions, before the Nazis implemented mass deportationsto kill<strong>in</strong>g centers, <strong>in</strong>volved comb<strong>in</strong>ations offortuitous circumstances and bl<strong>in</strong>d luck. Escap<strong>in</strong>g aghetto meant abandon<strong>in</strong>g family. Such an escape,already burdened with guilt, rarely <strong>in</strong>cluded a def<strong>in</strong>itedest<strong>in</strong>ation and carried little prospect of help from non-Jews. Jo<strong>in</strong><strong>in</strong>g partisan groups <strong>in</strong> the vast forests ofEastern Europe forced the same abandonment anduncerta<strong>in</strong>ty.E<strong>in</strong>satzgruppen operations or Aktionen utilizednative anti-Jewish elements and Jews lived <strong>in</strong> terrorof daily raids which arbitrarily targeted particulargroups — old people one time, children another — anddrove them <strong>in</strong>to makeshift hid<strong>in</strong>g places like cellars,bunkers, or false rooms. Children learned not to cry;their parents learned to be prepared to smother them<strong>in</strong> order to save the lives of those hidden together.Between June 1941 and December 1942, when theiroperations ceased, the E<strong>in</strong>satzgruppen murdered 1. 4to 1. 5 million Jews <strong>in</strong> Eastern Europe.For those fortunate enough to have non-Jewishpeople will<strong>in</strong>g to offer assistance — at the risk of theirown lives — a child might be saved, a family hidden fora while or smuggled through the countryside to somesort of hid<strong>in</strong>g place. As one survivor observed, it wasonly after he had lost everyone <strong>in</strong> his family that escapefor him became possible: there was noth<strong>in</strong>g more tolose. Yet another, at age seven, was hidden by aUkra<strong>in</strong>ian peasant <strong>in</strong> a loft <strong>in</strong> his barn for more thantwo years. She and her parents and sister rema<strong>in</strong>ed <strong>in</strong>almost complete silence for those years; lice-ridden,diseased, with muscles atrophied and <strong>in</strong> the mostunsanitary of conditions. They crawled out from thebarn, unable to walk, as the Russian armies advanced.Such stories demonstrate that survival, <strong>in</strong> Langer'swords, was "less a triumph of the will than an accidentThe Victims Who Survived 69
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GenocldeIn OurTlme- ,*"f* *An Annot
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DEDICATIONTo Raphael Lemkin(1901-19
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Chapter 5:The Armenian Genocide: Re
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Appendix 167Appendix: Chronology of
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ending sources of joy and hope. In
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Massive human suffering caused by p
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world without any reification and u
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CIIAPTER IETHNOCIDEby Alison Palmer
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als are tempted away by the promise
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Interactionsof Ethnocide and Genoci
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Chapter 1: AnnotatedBibliographyRea
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the inevitable extinction of tribal
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upon the purge of cultural and scie
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traditional ethnic and socio-cultur
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of structured social inequality, cr
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or religious group, as such. "" The
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and the general degradation of publ
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easier by the fact that those who'd
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26. William Safire, "Object: Surviv
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74. Quoted in Paul Walker and Eric
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es: People in the Machines of Death
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¹ 7. 16 ¹Dadrian, Vahakn N. "A Th
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Corporate Enterprise at Auschwitz"
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* 7. 47 +Nolan, Janne E. , and Albe
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and sometimes irrational. " (p. 7)
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able to evaluate various nuclear we
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In an angry, stimulating book, Aske
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Lang reflects on how technology fac
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This is a pioneering collection of
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"good reasons" for not offering the
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take consistent ethical actions aga
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sadisChart: Taking a Stand Against
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This indicator refers to an advance
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14. Louis Rene Beres, "Genocide, St
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to horrible new acts of violence ag
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* 8. 27 ~Horowitz, Irving Louis. Ge
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~ 8. 41 ~Lifton, Robert J. , and Er
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~ 8. 56 ~Thompson, John L. P. "Geno
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CountryDatesPer petratorsVictimsEst
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Dwork, DeborahDyer, Gwynne. . . . .
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Morgenthau, Henry . . . . . '. . .
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TITLE INDEXThe Abandonment of the J
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"Epilogue: The Nuclear Arms Raceand
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The Industrialization of Soviet Rus
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Psychiatric Aspects of the Preventi
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When Memory ComesWhile Six Million