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6<br />

over 1996–2010 associated very low literacy levels with<br />

reduced tax revenue (Mutascu <strong>and</strong> Danuletiu, 2013).<br />

Nevertheless, the effect has been found to be stronger in<br />

some regions, such as Latin America, than in others, such<br />

as Asia (Profeta <strong>and</strong> Scabrosetti, 2010).<br />

Some countries have used taxpayer education<br />

programmes to improve compliance <strong>and</strong> instil a culture of<br />

paying taxes, thus increasing revenue <strong>and</strong> strengthening<br />

the compact between citizens <strong>and</strong> government, while<br />

others have incorporated tax education in their school<br />

curriculum. In Latin America, nine countries have included<br />

tax education in their curricula <strong>and</strong> developed materials<br />

jointly between education ministries <strong>and</strong> tax authorities.<br />

The government of Jamaica extended the Schools Tax<br />

Education Programme down to primary schools. Studies<br />

indicate that influencing tax culture requires education<br />

from an early age (OECD, 2015a).<br />

Channelling more resources towards education spending<br />

Collecting more revenue is an important starting point<br />

for ensuring that education receives adequate funding.<br />

But there is also scope in many countries to reallocate<br />

expenditure for the benefit of education.<br />

Countries at similar levels of economic development have<br />

had very different trajectories in terms of prioritizing<br />

education. Among low income countries, Ethiopia almost<br />

doubled the share of its budget allocated to education,<br />

from 15% in 2000 to 27% in 2013, while Guinea, from the<br />

same starting point, slightly reduced its commitment to<br />

education. Among lower middle income countries in 2014,<br />

Kyrgyzstan <strong>and</strong> the Lao People’s Democratic Republic<br />

reached the recommended minimum benchmark of 15%,<br />

while Pakistan only allocated 11.3% (Figure 6.2).<br />

Two ways to prioritize spending for education are to remove<br />

fossil fuel subsidies <strong>and</strong> to earmark education funds.<br />

Redirecting fossil fuel subsidies can boost education spending.<br />

A major source of potential revenue for education is<br />

the reform of fossil fuel subsidy regimes, which keep<br />

prices for certain energy goods lower than market prices<br />

(IMF, 2013b). Fossil fuel subsidies are well documented<br />

to be inefficient <strong>and</strong> inequitable because mostly richer<br />

families benefit while funds that could be used for propoor<br />

expenditure are limited (An<strong>and</strong> et al., 2013; Arze del<br />

Granado et al., 2012; Clements et al., 2013).<br />

The most recent International Monetary Fund (IMF)<br />

analysis suggests that global energy subsidies could<br />

reach $US5.3 trillion in 2015, or 6.5% of global GDP<br />

(Coady et al., 2015). This estimate incorporates the high<br />

environmental <strong>and</strong> health costs of fuel consumption to<br />

calculate other subsidies implicit in existing fuel prices.<br />

Redirecting explicit <strong>and</strong> implicit fuel subsidies would be<br />

a useful way to fund the SDGs (Merrill <strong>and</strong> Chung, 2014),<br />

including education (Steer <strong>and</strong> Smith, 2015). In Indonesia,<br />

public expenditure on education increased by over 60%<br />

between 2005 <strong>and</strong> 2009, largely due to fuel subsidy<br />

reform (Tobias et al., 2014).<br />

Governments have earmarked funds to increase education<br />

expenditure. Some governments have earmarked taxes<br />

for education expenditure. Knowledge that a tax will be<br />

used for social purposes can reduce resistance to paying<br />

it. Taxpayers may also like the accountability they believe<br />

earmarking provides regarding how their tax money is<br />

spent (Prichard, 2010). Earmarked taxes have been used<br />

to support primary <strong>and</strong> secondary education in Brazil<br />

<strong>and</strong> India, <strong>and</strong> tertiary education in Ghana <strong>and</strong> Nigeria<br />

(Action Aid, 2016).<br />

Some fear that earmarking may dissuade other sources<br />

of funding <strong>and</strong> leave total revenue unchanged, lead to<br />

misallocation of resources within a sector <strong>and</strong> between<br />

FIGURE 6.2:<br />

Increased allocation to education spending can happen at<br />

every level of economic development<br />

Education as a share of total government expenditure, selected<br />

countries, 2000 <strong>and</strong> 2014 or most recent year<br />

Education as a share of total<br />

government expenditure (%)<br />

30<br />

25<br />

20<br />

15<br />

10<br />

5<br />

0<br />

Guinea<br />

Burundi<br />

Low income<br />

countries<br />

Source: UIS database.<br />

Ethiopia<br />

Kyrgyzstan<br />

Pakistan<br />

Lao PDR<br />

Poorer lower middle<br />

income countries<br />

Rep. Moldova<br />

Indonesia<br />

2014<br />

2000<br />

Guyana<br />

Richer lower middle<br />

income countries<br />

136<br />

CHAPTER 6 | PARTNERSHIPS: ENABLING CONDITIONS TO ACHIEVE SDG 4 AND THE OTHER SDGS

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