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The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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<strong>The</strong> Numbers Game<br />

very seriously at this stage.<br />

Although seldom remembered, when the International Commission<br />

on Missing Persons (ICMP) was first established by the U.S. government<br />

in late 1996, its full title included the phrase “in the Former Yugoslavia.”<br />

<strong>The</strong> new ICMP was headed by former U.S. Secretary of State<br />

Cyrus Vance (who was succeeded by former U.S. Senator Bob Dole),<br />

and it was openly described as a “pressure group” that will “make clear<br />

to authorities on the ground that they have to cooperate in the process<br />

of identifying missing persons, opening up mass graves and clearing the<br />

sites of mortal remains,” in the words of Michael Steiner, a deputy U.S.<br />

representative for Yugoslavia. 62<br />

Beyond serving this high-publicity role, the ICMP also assumed the<br />

partisan functions of the Sarajevo Muslims’ old wartime Commission<br />

for Missing Persons, with the addition of an international supervisory<br />

board and a few international forensic scientists and technicians to foster<br />

an air of independence, integrity, and professionalism. Nevertheless,<br />

the ICMP’s chief purpose was, and to this day remains, the discovery,<br />

exhumation, and positive identification of Bosnian Muslim victims of<br />

the war, and of <strong>Srebrenica</strong> “safe area” victims specifically. 63 Scrutiny of<br />

published information suggests that it was the ICMP, during 1997 -<br />

1998, that defined and publicized the cover-up hypothesis, mainly<br />

through briefings given to journalists whenever the location of a mass<br />

grave was announced. 64 Some three years after the Dayton accords, with<br />

only 400 or so bodies recovered, some kind of explanation for the lack<br />

of progress was needed. <strong>The</strong> convenience of the cover-up or exhumation-and-reburial<br />

theory was that it bought time and enabled the ICTY<br />

and ICMP to greatly extend the catchment area for the officially-designated<br />

“<strong>Srebrenica</strong>-related” graves. <strong>The</strong> whole concept of “primary,” “secondary,”<br />

and “tertiary” mass graves thus gave investigators the rationale<br />

they needed to make the ultimate body-count the function of an openended,<br />

potentially limitless search process, and to increase the bodycount<br />

from the “<strong>Srebrenica</strong> <strong>Massacre</strong>” to whichever total they desire.<br />

Perhaps the most glaring inconsistency revealed by a close study of the<br />

evolution of the cover-up theory is that, while it was clearly not part of<br />

the official view during 1996, the orthodox account of <strong>Srebrenica</strong> now<br />

maintains that the cover-up was known from the start. This is certainly<br />

not the impression given in Eric Stover and Gilles Peress’ 1998 book,<br />

122

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