The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Witness Testimony at The Hague However, the investigations dragged on for years—their existence acknowledged only after these leaders had died of natural causes. With Tudjman safely dead, the ICTY did finally get around to indicting Croatian General Ante Gotovina, charging him with crimes against humanity and violations of the laws of war perpetrated during Operation Storm in 1995, when Croatia seized the Krajina area and expelled 250,000 Serbs. Significantly, he is the only high-ranking Croatian official to have been indicted in connection with Operation Storm. In addition, unlike Mladic and Karadzic, indicted within days of the capture of Srebrenica, and Milosevic, indicted while NATO was still bombing Yugoslavia, Gotovina wasn’t indicted until July 2001, six years after the conclusion of the military campaign and more than 18 months after the death of Tudjman, the man who instigated Operation Storm. And it came more than two years after the appearance of the March 21, 1999, New York Times story, 8 based on leaks from the tribunal, stating that ICTY investigators had concluded that the “Croatian Army carried out summary executions, indiscriminate shelling of civilian populations and ‘ethnic cleansing’ during Operation Storm.” Furthermore, the investigators “have recommended that three Croatian generals be indicted, and an American official said this week that the indictments could come within a few weeks.” One of the generals named in the story was Ante Gotovina. The wording of the indictment was also rather peculiar. There were, for instance, repeated references to the “re-taking of the Krajina region” 9 —a wording that already betrays prejudgment of the issue. Moreover, Gotovina’s indictment, coming as it did, a few days after Milosevic’s transfer to The Hague, looked like a crude attempt to suggest ICTY evenhandedness. Contrary to her routine references to Karadzic, Mladic and Milosevic as the instigators of genocide, Carla Del Ponte was fulsome in her generous characterization of Gotovina. In a speech in London, she described Gotovina’s crimes as having been “committed in the course of a military operation, undoubtedly legitimate as such, aimed at re-taking the part of the Croatian territory which was occupied by Serb forces. The operation was a success, and Croatians remember it as one of their finest hours. Gotovina was one of the commanders and, quite naturally, he is revered as a hero.” 10 The “success” involved the ethnic cleansing of 250,000 civilians and the killing of several thousand, including over 158
Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Witness Testimony at The Hague three hundred women and children, all from territory where they and their ancestors had lived for hundreds of years. As for the Bosnian Muslims or the Kosovo Albanians, true to their NATO-ICTY-assigned role of victims, few of their officials have been indicted. To be sure, the ICTY did put on trial Sefer Halilovic, the chief of staff of the Bosnian Muslim army, but only on charges of violations of the laws or customs of war, and only for alleged crimes committed against Bosnian Croats. However, the ICTY did something unusual: It acquitted him. Similarly friendly treatment is accorded to the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA). Of three Kosovo Albanians brought to trial so far, two—Fatmir Limaj and Isak Musliu—were acquitted of crimes against humanity and violations of the laws and customs of war, while one—Haradin Bala—was acquitted of crimes against humanity but convicted of violations of the laws of war, and sentenced to 13 years’ imprisonment. (Acquittal of crimes against humanity is significant, for it means that the crimes of which Bala was convicted are held by the ICTY to have been committed, not as part of a widespread and systematic attack against the civilian population, but in the course of a conflict against other armed forces.) In February 2005, the ICTY indicted Kosovo Prime Minister Ramush Haradinaj. Haradinaj resigned, went to The Hague and was released pending trial. The ICTY subsequently ruled that he was free to take part in political activities while he was awaiting trial (in dramatic contrast to their refusal to allow Milosevic to be sent to Moscow for urgent medical treatment). In his subsequent trial, charging him with crimes against humanity and violations of the laws and customs of war, ICTY prosecutors alleged that Haradinaj had been a member of a joint criminal enterprise, the purpose of which was to secure KLA control of Dukagjin “by attacking and persecuting certain sections of the civilian population there: namely the unlawful removal of Serb civilians from that area, and the forcible, violent suppression of any real or perceived form of collaboration with the Serbs by Albanian or Roma civilians there.” But, not surprisingly, nothing was to come of this. He was a U.S. ally and client. The United States had long had a special attachment to Haradinaj. In July 2000, Haradinaj was wounded in a mysterious shooting. The Americans immediately flew the injured Haradinaj by helicopter to the mili- 159
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The SREBRENICA MASSACRE Evidence, C
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CONTENTS Maps 4-6 Foreword 7 Philli
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Bosnia and Herzegovina, Summer 1995
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FOREWORD Phillip Corwin On July 11,
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Foreword Serbs had lived in Western
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Foreword not allow the Serbian peop
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PREFACE Edward S. Herman Srebrenica
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Preface event and symbol demonstrat
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Preface Against Radovan Karadzic an
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction Edward S. He
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Introduction exact provenance of th
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Introduction chose or vetted key pe
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Introduction ern disinterest in pre
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Introduction control of Kosovo.”
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Introduction tle bombing to see rea
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Notes Introduction 1 “Bosnia: 2 O
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Introduction cating satellite photo
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Introduction 31 See Johnstone, Fool
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CHAPTER 2 Prelude to the Capture of
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Prelude to the Capture of Srebrenic
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The Military Context of the Fall of
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Preface video footage to the intern
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CHAPTER 4 The Numbers Game Jonathan
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The Numbers Game proof of Serb evil
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The Numbers Game tled on the figure
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Page 147 and 148: The Numbers Game brenica...The Deco
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Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Wi
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CHAPTER 6 The ICTY Calls It “Geno
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” pr
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” to
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” No
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” ma
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” to
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” Re
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UN Report on Srebrenica—A Distort
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica a
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica T
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica o
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica T
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CHAPTER 9 U.K. Media Coverage of Sr
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica f
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica p
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica t
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica p
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica v
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica e
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica i
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica a
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica S
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Summary and Conclusions believe the
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Summary and Conclusions combat deat
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Summary and Conclusions from even l
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Summary and Conclusions UN officers
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Summary and Conclusions a genocide
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Summary and Conclusions the mercies
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Summary and Conclusions the conflic
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Summary and Conclusions agenda and
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Summary and Conclusions server, Jun
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Summary and Conclusions 28 See abov
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Note on Contributors George Bogdani
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