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The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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<strong>The</strong> Numbers Game<br />

known facts. We have spelled out many of those conflicting facts in this<br />

chapter. We believe that the survival of this narrative on <strong>Srebrenica</strong><br />

rests heavily on political interests. <strong>The</strong>re are many clear indications that<br />

complex political strategies were being followed by Alija Izetbegovic,<br />

the U.S., the U.K., and other powers, and that <strong>Srebrenica</strong> played a crucial<br />

part in the development of these strategies.<br />

From Dayton to the present, the <strong>Srebrenica</strong> massacre has been an extremely<br />

useful symbol of Serb villainy and evil. It helped justify NATO’s<br />

1999 “humanitarian” war against Yugoslavia and the indictments and<br />

trials of Serb military personnel and leaders; and under the “Never<br />

again” pretext, NATO and the advocates of a “responsibility to protect”<br />

defenseless civilians inside sovereign states continue to use the alleged<br />

“failure” to intervene to stop the <strong>Srebrenica</strong> massacre as a way of selling<br />

Western military power and intervention more broadly. We believe that<br />

these exceptional and valuable purposes have made the belief in “8,000<br />

men and boys” murdered after the fall of <strong>Srebrenica</strong> sacrosanct within<br />

the Western establishment.<br />

Notes<br />

1 A predecessor to <strong>The</strong> Center for the <strong>Srebrenica</strong>-Potocari Memorial and Cemetery<br />

for the Victims of the 1995 Genocide was established in May 2001 by an act of<br />

the High Representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, and first commemorated<br />

in its current form on September 20, 2003. See Paddy Ashdown, Office of the<br />

High Representative, March 25, 2003, ;<br />

and Christian Schwarz-Schilling, Office of the High Representative,<br />

June 25, 2007, .<br />

2 For what I here refer to as the “highest official estimate,” see the analysis conducted<br />

by Helge Brunborg, Torkild Hodve Lyngstad, and Henrick Urdal on behalf<br />

of the Office of the Prosecutor at the International Criminal Tribunal for<br />

Yugoslavia, “Accounting for Genocide: How Many Were Killed in <strong>Srebrenica</strong>?”<br />

European Journal of Population, Volume 19, 2003, pp. 229-248. <strong>The</strong>se authors<br />

write: “<strong>The</strong> study concludes that at least 7,475 persons have been reported as<br />

missing and are presumed dead after the fall of the <strong>Srebrenica</strong> enclave on 11 July<br />

1995….Also, an unknown number of persons probably were not reported as<br />

missing, for various reasons. Our estimate is lower than the commonly referred<br />

to range of 8-10,000 killed persons. As previously stated, ours is a conservative<br />

estimate based on highly reliable data. <strong>The</strong> actual number of genocide victims is<br />

likely to be higher than 7,475 and this, this figure should be considered a minimum<br />

estimate. By using multiple systems estimation we found the likely esti-<br />

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