The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

Introduction
control of Kosovo.” But there are no such calls or vows in those
speeches, which are notable for their stress on Yugoslavia as a multi-ethnic
state: “Yugoslavia [is]..a multinational community…[that] can survive
only under conditions of full equality for all nations that live in it”
(Milosevic at Kosovo Polje, June 28, 1989).
In a dramatic illustration of the process of myth construction, Francisco
Gil-White has shown that the BBC had reported the original
speeches, devoid of any parochial Serb call to arms (and including the
statement quoted above), and at that time, the BBC even noted explicitly
Milosevic’s call for full equality of all nations within Yugoslavia. But
by 1999 and 2001, when the anti-Serb party-line had long been firmed
up, the BBC reported claims about preparation for a “new struggle” and
allegations about refusal to “lose control of Kosovo” that can not be
found in the BBC’s own transcripts of the speeches. 32
A fifth myth or myth-set that grew out of the need to demonize the
Serbs, and as part of an effort to get NATO to come to Bosnian Muslim
aid with bombs, is that the Serbs engaged in the ruthless shelling of
Sarajevo civilians in three massacres: in 1992 (the “Breadline Massacre”),
in 1994 (the Markale or “Market Massacre”), and a “Second Market
Massacre” in 1995. These massacres were all extremely well-timed to
influence imminent NATO and UN decisions to intervene more
forcibly on behalf of the Bosnian Muslims, and numerous UN officials
and senior Western military officials have claimed that the evidence is
strong in all three cases that the actions were planned and executed by
the Bosnian Muslims themselves. 33 U.S. Army officer John E. Sray, who
had been on the scene in Bosnia during these and other massacres, even
suggested that the incidents, and probable Bosnian Muslim official connivance
in these atrocities, “deserve a thorough scrutiny by the International
War Crimes Tribunal.” 34 Needless to say, such an investigation
was never forthcoming. In short, this is not conspiracy theory. It is an
analysis and conclusion based on serious and substantial evidence, but
it is not even debated in the party-line dominated accounts of recent
Balkan history.
A sixth myth is that the Bosnian Serbs alone had prison camps, and
that these housed large numbers who were treated in a manner reminiscent
of Nazi concentration camps. In fact, all three parties in the civil
war had prison camps; the numbers incarcerated in these camps were
27