The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao
The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao
The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao
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<strong>The</strong> Numbers Game<br />
gument it appears to advance is that 2,028 bodies had been found, some<br />
kind of DNA link has been established with some names on the ICRC’s<br />
missing-persons list, some materials (blindfolds, ligatures, etc.) which<br />
might have been associated with mass executions had been discovered<br />
in the grave sites, and that—because there were no significant inconsistencies<br />
between the evidence, the demographic information from the<br />
ICRC’s missing-persons list and the accounts of the small number of<br />
claimed massacre eyewitnesses (whose accounts are deeply problematic,<br />
as described above and in Chapter 5)—the forensic and demographic<br />
evidence could be seen as mutually supportive and provided solid corroboration<br />
of the massacre theory. How many criminal justice systems<br />
around the world would accept this kind of logic?<br />
No adequate control of grave excavations and body storage<br />
From the outset ICTY prosecutors and investigators made repeated<br />
public pronouncements that the Serbs had massacred thousands of<br />
Muslim men from <strong>Srebrenica</strong>, even though initially the only evidence<br />
that such crimes had taken place was uncorroborated and suspect witness<br />
testimony. <strong>The</strong>re was some respectability attaching to the search<br />
for mass graves when it was in the hands of an apparently independent<br />
organization, Physicians for Human Rights; but the process became fatally<br />
compromised when, from 1997 onwards, this work was carried<br />
out by the ICMP, an organization originally created by the Clinton administration,<br />
centered in Sarajevo, and effectively merged with the<br />
Bosnian Commission for Missing Persons and under Bosnian Muslim<br />
management and control.<br />
In their book, <strong>The</strong> Graves, Eric Stover and Gilles Peress reveal the inadequate<br />
nature of the ICMP’s forensic work. 83 But the much more serious<br />
problem is the ICMP’s obvious vested interest in sustaining the<br />
massacre claims and the substantial evidence that the Bosnian Muslim<br />
leadership has never refrained from bending facts to produce the desired<br />
results (see Chapter 1). Yet it is the ICMP that has emerged as the<br />
chief institutional supporter of the massacre allegations. In particular, it<br />
has created and fostered the belief that the Serbs had mounted a major<br />
cover-up operation in the late months of 1995 in which mass graves<br />
close to <strong>Srebrenica</strong> had been dug up and the bodies removed for reburial<br />
at more distant sites along the Drina valley.<br />
130