The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Witness Testimony at The Hague tary hospital inside Camp Bondsteel, headquarters of the U.S. forces in Kosovo. He was then flown to a military hospital in Germany. This solicitude was extraordinary in light of the story that emerged within days of the shooting, namely, that Haradinaj had sustained his injuries during an attack on a rival KLA leader’s home. According to AFP, Haradinaj, after being “implicated in an alleged gun and grenade attack on a family home,” had now “been evacuated from the province for medical treatment.” He was flown out of the province before the U.N. police had had a chance to interview him about the incident. 11 Resentment over U.S. protection of Haradinaj continued to rankle. In September 2000, the Observer reported U.N. police complaints about the U.S. military withholding evidence from them about the Haradinaj gunfight. They alleged that the Americans had “removed forensic evidence from the scene of the gun battle, including bullets retrieved from walls.” 12 Remarkably, the scene of the gunfight was “well out of the U.S. Army’s area of responsibility, in the south-east Kosovo.” By September, Haradinaj was in Washington to discuss the future of Kosovo at a meeting organized by the U.S. State Department and to do some fundraising. Even the media seemed to think that Haradinaj was unlikely to be convicted. The Los Angeles Times noted that U.S. and U.N. officials were openly rooting for him. Soren Jessen-Petersen, the former UNMIK chief, described Haradinaj as his “friend.” Haradinaj, he said, was a man of “dynamic leadership, strong commitment and vision.” U.N. and U.S. officials told the reporter that “Haradinaj commands respect and authority precisely because of his role as a feared fighter, making him a key to maintaining stability as Kosovo moves toward independence.” He was said to be “favored by U.S. allies because of logistical assistance he reportedly provided” to NATO in 1999. 13 The trial began with a startling opening statement by Carla Del Ponte in which she bemoaned the weakness of her case as a result of witness intimidation: [T]his will not be an easy prosecution. It is a prosecution, frankly, that some did not want to see brought, and that few supported by their cooperation at both international and local level. But I insisted on this prosecution, and I bring it with the confidence that the Trial Chamber will find the Prosecution evidence compelling and convincing. The protection of witnesses 160
Securing Verdicts: The Misuse of Witness Testimony at The Hague who have had the courage to come forward has been, and will continue to be, of critical importance. You know that many witnesses are reluctant to testify. Some are even terrified. The intimidation and threats suffered by witnesses in this case has been a serious ongoing problem for the individuals concerned and for this Prosecution. This problem has not gone away. Witnesses continue to receive threats, both veiled and direct….Mr. President, if I have no witnesses appearing in court, I will be obliged to withdraw this indictment. 14 Del Ponte’s admission raised a number of issues. First, if the extent of the witness intimidation was this intense, why had Haradinaj been allowed to return to Kosovo and indeed continue his political activities? Second, the ICTY had had no trouble indicting, trying and convicting Serbs who had occupied the highest levels of government: Slobodan Milosevic (former president of Serbia and Yugoslavia), Milan Milutinovic (former president of Serbia), Milan Babic and Milan Martic (both former presidents of the Croatian Serb Republic), Radovan Karadzic (former president of the Bosnian Serb Republic), Momcilo Krajisnik (former speaker of the Bosnian Serb National Assembly and Serb representative on the Bosnian presidency). The ICTY had had no problems finding witnesses to testify against these Serb officials and providing them with extensive protections. That leads to two possible conclusions: The Kosovo Albanians are far more adept and ruthless at using terror and violence than the Serbs. In which case, why has the ICTY focused almost exclusively on the Serbs, charging them with genocide and crimes against humanity and sending them away for decades? Alternatively, del Ponte was putting forward an alibi to explain the inevitable acquittal that the ICTY would eventually award Haradinaj. In other words, there was no serious intent to convict Haradinaj, merely to demonstrate a supposed evenhandedness and confirm Serb culpability. Another possibility: The Great Powers didn’t support this prosecution and wouldn’t collaborate in carrying it through, a view flowing through to the judges in the trial chamber—but that the naïve Del Ponte insisted on pushing ahead even though she could see that it would go nowhere. 15 On April 3, 2008, the ICTY did indeed acquit the Kosovo prime minister, confessing sheepishly that it had “encountered significant dif- 161
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The SREBRENICA MASSACRE Evidence, C
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CONTENTS Maps 4-6 Foreword 7 Philli
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Bosnia and Herzegovina, Summer 1995
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FOREWORD Phillip Corwin On July 11,
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Foreword Serbs had lived in Western
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Foreword not allow the Serbian peop
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PREFACE Edward S. Herman Srebrenica
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Preface event and symbol demonstrat
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Preface Against Radovan Karadzic an
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CHAPTER 1 Introduction Edward S. He
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Introduction exact provenance of th
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Introduction chose or vetted key pe
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Introduction ern disinterest in pre
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Introduction control of Kosovo.”
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Introduction tle bombing to see rea
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Notes Introduction 1 “Bosnia: 2 O
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Introduction cating satellite photo
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Introduction 31 See Johnstone, Fool
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CHAPTER 2 Prelude to the Capture of
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Prelude to the Capture of Srebrenic
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The Military Context of the Fall of
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Preface video footage to the intern
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CHAPTER 4 The Numbers Game Jonathan
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The Numbers Game proof of Serb evil
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The Numbers Game tled on the figure
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The Numbers Game makes it mathemati
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Page 147 and 148: The Numbers Game brenica...The Deco
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CHAPTER 6 The ICTY Calls It “Geno
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” pr
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” to
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” No
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” ma
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” to
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The ICTY Calls It “Genocide” Re
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UN Report on Srebrenica—A Distort
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica a
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica T
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica o
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U.S. Media Coverage of Srebrenica T
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CHAPTER 9 U.K. Media Coverage of Sr
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica f
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica p
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica t
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica p
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica v
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica e
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica i
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica a
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U.K. Media Coverage of Srebrenica S
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Summary and Conclusions believe the
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Summary and Conclusions combat deat
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Summary and Conclusions from even l
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Summary and Conclusions UN officers
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Summary and Conclusions a genocide
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Summary and Conclusions the mercies
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Summary and Conclusions the conflic
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Summary and Conclusions agenda and
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Summary and Conclusions server, Jun
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Summary and Conclusions 28 See abov
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Note on Contributors George Bogdani
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