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The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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UN Report on <strong>Srebrenica</strong>—A Distorted Picture of Events<br />

3 <strong>The</strong> Fall of <strong>Srebrenica</strong> , Sect. G, “Lessons for the future,” para. 498 - 506. Elaborating<br />

on this theme at the time, U.S. Senator John McCain (R-AZ) said: “We<br />

learned a very bitter lesson in <strong>Srebrenica</strong> and Bosnia when we allowed the United<br />

Nations to carry out a role for which it is entirely unsuited. If the United Nations<br />

had been in charge of this operation [i.e., NATO’s 1999 war over Kosovo], I do<br />

not believe that we could have the optimism that we have today. <strong>The</strong> United Nations<br />

is not the suitable vehicle. NATO is.” <strong>The</strong> NewsHour with Jim Lehrer, PBS<br />

- TV, June 4, 1999.<br />

4 Among those NATO member-states which participated in Operation Deliberate<br />

Force were the U.S., U.K., Germany, France, Spain, Italy, and Turkey. As many<br />

as 500 tons of munitions were used, including cruise missiles. See Tim Ripley, Operation<br />

Deliberate Force: <strong>The</strong> UN and NATO Campaign in Bosnia 1995 (Lancaster,<br />

U.K.: Centre for Defense and International Security Studies, 1999).<br />

5 See, e.g., David Binder, “Bosnia’s Bombers,” <strong>The</strong> Nation, October 2, 1995; LTC<br />

John E. Sray, “Selling the Bosnian Myth to America: Buyer Beware,” Foreign<br />

Military Studies Office Publications, Department of the Army, Fort Leavenworth,<br />

October, 1995, ;<br />

and Cees Wiebes, Intelligence and the War in Bosnia, 1992 – 1995 (London: Lit<br />

Verlag, 2003). Based on a confidential interview, Wiebes writes that “Even the<br />

most important British policy body in the field of intelligence, the Joint Intelligence<br />

Committee,…came to the conclusion that the shelling of the Sarajevo market<br />

was probably not the work of the VRS [the Bosnian Serb army], but of the<br />

Bosnian Muslims” (p. 68). This volume was also published as Appendix II to the<br />

Netherlands Institute for War Documentation report, <strong>Srebrenica</strong>: A “safe” area,<br />

.<br />

6 “Force and Diplomacy in Bosnia,” Editorial, New York Times, August 31, 1995.<br />

7 See, e.g., James Bissett, “<strong>The</strong> tragic blunder in Kosovo,” Toronto Globe and Mail,<br />

January 10, 2000. A one time Canadian Ambassador to Yugoslavia, Bissett noted<br />

that the “UN estimated that close to 200,000 ethnic Albanians were displaced before<br />

the NATO air strikes—again, a deplorable figure but not surprising given<br />

that these people were driven from their homes as a result of the civil war. After<br />

the NATO bombs began to fall, more than 800,000 Kosovars were forced to flee<br />

from Serbian retaliation and from NATO bombs.” Bissett added that the “former<br />

Czech foreign minister, Jiri Dienstbier, has…testified that NATO was fully aware<br />

that bombing would force the Serbs to expel Kosovar Albanians as a military tactic.<br />

Yet our political leaders continue to tell us the bombing was designed to prevent—not<br />

cause—ethnic cleansing.”<br />

8 See <strong>The</strong> Fall of <strong>Srebrenica</strong>, Annex II, “Individuals interviewed in the preparation<br />

of the report,” pp. 115-117.<br />

9 Phillip Corwin, Dubious Mandate: A Memoir of the UN in Bosnia, Summer 1995<br />

(Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1999).<br />

10 Charles G. Boyd, “Making Peace with the Guilty,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 74, No.50,<br />

September/October 1995, pp. 22-23.<br />

244

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