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The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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Prelude to the Capture of <strong>Srebrenica</strong><br />

Clinton actually made such a proposal to Izetbegovic, however hypothetical,<br />

there were at least eight surviving witnesses to confirm what<br />

Izetbegovic told the <strong>Srebrenica</strong> delegation. Nor would it have been out<br />

of character for Izetbegovic to approve a plan that would sacrifice lives<br />

of his citizens for the cause or to inflate the number of casualties from<br />

a provoked engagement with Serbian forces. When it came to casualty<br />

counts, Deputy NATO Commander Boyd observed that “the Bosnian<br />

Government has an interest in portraying the number as high as possible.”<br />

65 U.S. Army analyst Lt.-Col. John Sray noted that staged incidents<br />

such as the one at the Markale marketplace had approval at the highest<br />

level: “Given the proximity of the Markale Market Square to the Presidency<br />

(Bosniac White House), who granted permission to launch these<br />

brutal and insane attacks? Surely, it almost had to have been President<br />

Alija Izetbegovic or Vice President Ejup Ganic.” 66<br />

Before his death in a road accident in Bosnia, U.S. envoy Robert Frasure<br />

worked on a diplomatic solution that would have traded the putative<br />

safe areas, <strong>Srebrenica</strong>, Zepa and Gorazde for the Serb-held suburbs<br />

of Sarajevo. But the same hardline U.S. faction that arranged illegal<br />

arms for Muslim forces, helped kill Frasure’s diplomatic solution in the<br />

spring of 1995. Thus, the United States “watched approvingly as Muslim<br />

offensives began,” according to General Boyd, “even though these<br />

attacks destroyed a cease-fire Washington has supported.” 67 As EU<br />

envoy Carl Bildt would later observe: “[T]here would be no peace in<br />

Washington until there was war in the Balkans.” 68<br />

Instead of a diplomatic solution, the map changes sought by Washington<br />

for a settlement in both Croatia and Bosnia would be achieved<br />

by military means and the uprooting of hundreds of thousands turned<br />

into refugees. In November 1994, the United States had licensed a private<br />

military contract firm, Military Professional Resources, Inc.<br />

(MPRI), including “retired” four star generals, to prepare and organize<br />

the Croatian army for attacks on the UN Protected Areas of Croatia<br />

where some 250,000 predominantly ethnic Serbs lived. 69 Unlike the<br />

safe areas of Bosnia, which served as staging areas for attacks against<br />

surrounding territories, the UN Protected Areas remained quiet except<br />

for several attacks against them by Croatian forces in 1993. Restraint by<br />

the Krajina Serbs, however, would not save them from U.S.-sponsored<br />

Croatian military attacks, “Operation Flash” in May and “Operation<br />

57

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