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The Srebrenica Massacre - Nova Srpska Politicka Misao

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<strong>The</strong> Numbers Game<br />

escaped normal human detection as there were many UN personnel in<br />

Bosnia throughout the autumn and winter of 1995 - 1996.<br />

In evidence given to the ICTY, Dean Paul Manning (a former Australian<br />

policeman, working for the Office of the Prosecutor as an investigator)<br />

sought to explain the cover-up theory, which has become a<br />

core element of the official version of events at <strong>Srebrenica</strong>. He referred<br />

at length to aerial photographs provided to the ICTY by the U.S. government.<br />

<strong>The</strong>se photographs were shown as exhibits in the court, but<br />

have not otherwise been made public. <strong>The</strong>se images, claimed to have<br />

been taken by satellites and other forms of electronic surveillance during<br />

October 1995, were alleged to indicate a cover-up operation and<br />

they guided much of the subsequent investigation work carried out on<br />

behalf of the ICTY. However, as noted by Wiebes in his summary of the<br />

imagery evidence, it seems that these photographs showed only gatherings<br />

of men and the presence of equipment, such as trucks and bulldozers,<br />

that might be used for mass burials. 71 Such photographic<br />

information might be related to cover-up operations—but might<br />

equally show nothing more than normal wartime military activities.<br />

Trucks and bulldozers are nowadays fairly routine equipment.<br />

<strong>The</strong>re are a number of fundamental problems with this section of<br />

Manning’s evidence. First, the U.S. government has been inconsistent<br />

in its use of surveillance data. As noted earlier, Madeleine Albright inflamed<br />

feelings at the UN on August 10, 1995 by brandishing photographs<br />

which, she claimed, proved that there had been massacres at<br />

<strong>Srebrenica</strong>. Date and time-code information had been removed from<br />

the photographs, and they were not released to the media, were subsequently<br />

classified, and, when requested by the ICTY investigation team,<br />

were not provided to them. Although it is perhaps understandable that<br />

a government might be cautious about revealing its intelligence-gathering<br />

techniques and sources, such reluctance can also serve as an excuse<br />

for covering-up intelligence-claims that have been doctored and even<br />

fabricated for political purposes, as the monumental deceptions by U.S.<br />

and U.K. “intelligence” agencies prior to their 2003 invasion of Iraq attest.<br />

72 As George Pumphrey asked back in 1998: “By what right does the<br />

U.S. classify, as a ‘national security secret’, evidence that it claims to<br />

possess, concerning what is often referred to as ‘the worst war crime<br />

committed in Europe since World War II’?...Is the U.S. administration<br />

126

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