Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
Tunisia: Understanding Conflict 2012 - Johns Hopkins School of ...
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epresented a complete departure from the Ben Ali regime, whereas the former legal<br />
opposition parties were tainted by their involvement in the old political system.<br />
Although Ennahdha has captured a significant share <strong>of</strong> votes, commentators are<br />
quick to note that the majority <strong>of</strong> votes were cast for secular parties. Many on the Left<br />
interpret this to mean that Ennahdha’s influence can be countered if the secular parties<br />
simply unite under one banner in the next election. Ahmed Ibrahim, secretary <strong>of</strong> the<br />
liberal, secular Ettajdid party, supports such an interpretation, and when asked if there<br />
were any other lessons to draw from the election, he said no (SAIS group meeting, 25<br />
January <strong>2012</strong>). A fuller accounting <strong>of</strong> the secular parties’ varying performance, however,<br />
would note several other factors. After all, the CPR outshone other secular parties,<br />
despite consistently polling behind the PDP and Ettakatol before the election. Similar to<br />
Ennahdha, CPR represented a clean break from the past regime. The party had remained<br />
outside <strong>of</strong> the formal political system under Ben Ali and thus was not tainted by<br />
association. The other two dominant secular parties, Ettakatol and the PDP, both had<br />
been legally recognized opposition parties and were seen by some as remnants <strong>of</strong> the old<br />
system. The CPR reinforced the notion that it represented a new era <strong>of</strong> politics by<br />
refusing funding from corporations, signaling the end <strong>of</strong> big business in politics. Also,<br />
CPR was not as openly hostile to Ennahdha as Ettakatol and the PDP, with the party’s<br />
leader hinting at the possibility <strong>of</strong> aligning with Ennahdha in the Constituent Assembly<br />
(Radio France Internationale, 22 July 2011).<br />
A look at the factors behind Ettakatol’s surge ahead <strong>of</strong> PDP, which had been<br />
ahead in the polls, is also instructive. Lacking the financing <strong>of</strong> other top parties, Ettakatol<br />
nevertheless showed that it was possible to overcome this by: 1) building a strong<br />
grassroots operation using volunteers to go door to door; and 2) effectively using social<br />
media. The PDP, by contrast, hired an expensive New York-based advertising firm to<br />
craft slick messaging and all but ignored field organizing. Furthermore, its ads featured<br />
the images <strong>of</strong> the party’s leaders Ahmed Nejib El Chebbi and Maya Jribi, harkening back<br />
to the personality-driven politics <strong>of</strong> the old regime (Interview with Laryssa Chomiak,<br />
SAIS group meeting, 26 January <strong>2012</strong>). As one analyst noted, <strong>Tunisia</strong> is a small country<br />
<strong>of</strong> 10.5 million where word <strong>of</strong> mouth can be an incredibly powerful force. In the case <strong>of</strong><br />
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